Yunoos Osman

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (D. Phil) in the School of Religion and Culture, Faculty of Humanities, University of Durban-Westville.



Dedicated to the loving memory of my father, Abdul Satar Osman, who encouraged me to pursue studies in Islam, but did not live to share the joy of this fruit and to my mother, Hanifa Satar, who continues to encourage me in my educational pursuits.







1. 1.1 1.2 1.3

Background British Colonization Reactions of Muslims Some Institutions of Higher Islamic Learning

1.3.1 Dar al- (UlUm Farangf Ma~al 1.3.2 Al-Madrasat al-RaIJ,fmfyah 1.3.3 Dar al- (Ulum Deoband

1.3.4 The Aligarh College 1.3.5 Nadwat al- (Ulama'

4 8 9 16 17 19

20 27



2. 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6


Family Background Birth and Education Teaching Career His Demise Eulogies Shah saIJib's Children Shah sa~ib's Character Views of Scholars

33 34 39

45 47 49 50 52

Chapter Three

A SURVEY OF SHAH $AQIB'S WORKS 3. 3.1 3.2 3.2.1 3.2.2 3.3. 3.3.1 3.3.2 3.4 3.4.1 3.4.2 3.4.3 3.4.4 3.4.5 3.4.6 3.4.7 3.4.8 3.5 3.5.1 3.5.2 3.5.3 3.5.4 3.5.5 3.5.6 3.6 3.6.1 3.7 3.8 3.9 3.10

Shah SaIJib's Scholarship His Writings The Holy Qur'an Mushkilat al- Qur'an Shortcomings of Mushkilat al- Qur'an Metaphysics Al-parb al-Khatim (ala lfuduth al- (Alam Mirqat al-Tahrim Ii lfuduth al-

59 61

62 62 65 66

66 67 68 68

69 71 73

74 75

76 78 79 79

81 82 83

84 84 85 85 86

87 90 90


His approach towards the Study and Teaching of



Jfadfth Tarjumat ai-Abwab

4.1.2 4.1.3 4.1.4

Legal Implications of the Jfadfth Identifying the Ruwat Import of the lJadfth

98 99



100 101


Commentaries on Al-lamt al-Sa~f}J of Imam al-Bukhan



Faycj ai-Barf
103 104 108 109 111 112 113 114 115 116 118 121 122


Tajsfr al-Qur 'an

125 11l

5.1.1 Ahl al-Kitab 5.1.2 AI-Nasikh wa al-Mansukh 5.2
127 128

131 134 135 137 139 142 142

146 147 150 153 154 156






ACKNOWLEDGEMENT All praise is due to Allah (SWT) Who made it possible for me to undertake this study and to complete it.

I am grateful to Professor Syed Salman Nadvi, former Head of the Islamic Studies Department at the University of Durban-Westville, for his encouragement and guidance throughout the period of writing this dissertation.

I am also thankful to Professor Abul Fadl Mohsin Ebrahim of the School of Religion and Culture at the University of Durban-Westville for his editorial comments.

I would also like to express my gratitude to Mawlana Cassim M. Serna, Rector of Dar al-
AI:lmad Omar for their

assistance in providing me access to.the reference works cited in this dissertation. v

I would be failing in my duty if I were to ignore the support given to me by my family. I wish to record my thanks to my wife for her moral support and patience throughout the process of my writing this dissertation. To my children, I am equally thankful for patiently bearing the pangs of my absence while I was engaged in my research. To my youngest daughter, Zakira, I wish to record my gratitude for typing out the manuscript.



(Allamah Anwar Shah KashmIri (d. 1933) was one of the most

distinguished Islamic scholars of the Indo-Pale Subcontinent. He was recognised as an authority on (Ilm al-Jf.adfth (the science of Jf.adfth). His works on Jf.adfth won him the title of Shaykh al- Jf.adfth (an expert in the field of Jf.adfth) and was also acclaimed as a MulJ.addith (scholar of Jf.adfth).

Although (Allamah Anwar Shah Kashmiri's speciality was primarily in the field of the science of Jf.adfth, he was equally competent to teach and write in other relevant Islamic sciences such as, al-Fiqh (Islamic Jurisprudence) and (Ulum al-Qur'an (Qur'anic Sciences), etc. His research and findings sometimes led to him engaging into intense intellectual debates with other Muslim scholars in various parts of India.

He had a passion for Jf.adfth and he spent all his life teaching the $ilJ.ah Sittah (The Six Authentic Collections of Jfadfth). Students used

to flock to the institutions where he taught and it was considered an honour and privilege to study under him.

(Allamah Anwar Shah KashmIri's contribution in the field of Hadfth

benefited and continue to benefit scholars and students alike to this day.

To date no systematic study on the life and works of ~llamah Anwar Shah KashmIri has as yet been accomplished in the English language.

Biographies on him exist in the Urdu language and they are mostly of a popular nature and have generally not discussed in detail his academic uniqueness and peculiarities. Thus, the objectives of this study will be to:

1. Discuss the evolution of the Islamic institutions of Islamic learning in India and what impact it had in moulding and shaping the intellectual pursuit of (Allamah Anwar Shah Kashmiri.

2. Analyze his literary works and assess his contributions in the field of the science of Jfadfth and Jfadfth literature.

3. Examine his uruque position and individual stance on matters pertaining to TaJsfr al-Qur'an (Qur'anic Exegesis), 2

(legal) issues.


some Fiqhf

Chapter One



The history of the arrival of Muslims in India and their positive contributions in the field of knowledge and culture, the socioeconomic sphere and political structure are all well documented.· Thus, this chapter gives an overview of the circumstances that led to the establishment of the institutions of higher Islamic learning in India and highlights the salient features of at least five prominent ones.

When Muslims came to India they brought with them the message of equity and social justice which was non-existent in India at that time.


Many progressive features in the socio-cultural structure of the different communities in India, for example, respect for women and their rights, can be traced back to the influence of Islam. 3

It is

'. Briggs, John. History of the Rise of Mohammedan Power in. India. New Delhi. Oriental Press. 1981 , p. 12. 2. Nadwi, Abul Hasan. Muslims in India . Lucknow. Islamic Research and Publication. 1976, p. 12. . J. Muslims in India, op. cit., p. 12. 4

unfortunate, however, that some historians chose to grossly distort the contributions of Muslims in India.


The Moghul Empire was founded in 1526 by Babar (d. 1530). He was one of the most important Muslim rulers in the East. Babar laid down the foundation of a great empire that continued to flourish for several hundred years. Tremendous progress and prosperity were s

achieved during the Moghul era. As far as Awrangzeb (d. 1708) is concerned, he was the last of the powerful Moghul emperors and he will always be remembered in the annals of the history of Muslims in India for his pristine character, Islamic fervour and commitment.

Muslim emperors and conquerors on the whole never aspired to destroy the religions nor cultures of other communities, nor did they force Islam upon their vanquished subjects. The



(Islamic mystic masters) and the
(religion of

Islam) were well aware of the fact that forced conversion was strictly prohibited by the Qur'an.


Had there been a policy of forced

". Nadvi, Habibul Haq. IsLamic Resurgent Movements in the Indo-Pak Subcontinent. Durban. ~cademia: The Centre for Islamic, Near and Eastern Planning and Publication. 1987, p. 21 . . Muslims in India , op. cit. p.8. 6. Qur'all, 2:256. 5

conversions during the period of Muslim rule in India, which lasted for about nine hundred years, the Muslims in India would today not have ended up to be classified among the minority groups in India.

Islam spread in India long before Muslims conquered it. Many people had accepted Islam even prior to the arrival of MuQ.ammad Ibn Qasim (d. 981723), the great Muslim general during the Umayyad rule (685 750). Simplicity of Islamic beliefs and Islamic values of equity, justice, truthfulness and honesty attracted many people in India and that led them to accept Islam. The caste system that prevailed in India denied the people their basic human rights, especially those who were regarded to belong to an inferior caste.


Muslim rulers, on the other hand, generally adopted a neutral policy towards all religions and religious communities that were in existence in India. Moreover, the (ulama' preached tolerance towards peoples of other faiths. Throughout the centuries of Muslim rule in India, necessary mechanisms were set in place in order to foster intercommunal relationship between Muslims and Hindus. s

1. K.

Mujib, M. The Indiall Muslim . Liverpool. George Allen and Unwin Ltd. 1967, p. 235. Qureshi, Ishtiaq Husain. Ulama in Politics. Karachi. Ma'arif Press, n.d., p. 282. 6

Akbar the great Moghul emperor (1556-1605) proclaimed himself as the Mahdf

(the awaited reformer).9

He was influenced by the

thoughts of Messianism of AQ.mad Jawnpuri, who in the first half of the sixteenth century, introduced Messianism in India by assuming the role of the Mahdf. Although Akbar established Dfn-e-ilahf (divine faiths), motivated by the need to unite all the various religious communities and forge mutual understanding among the different communities,IO he ended up diluting the pristine teachings of Islam with that of Hinduism and the traditions of other religions. Shaykh A4mad SirhindI (d. 1624), who was popularly known as Mujaddid Alf al-Thanf (religious renovator of the second millenium), and other

Muslim scholars rejected Dfn-e-ilahf and condemned Akbar for bringing about this bizarre .innovation. Their timely reaction succeeded in neutralizing the effects of imperial heresy on Muslims.1I

During the middle of the seventeenth century Shah 'Abd al-l:Iaq Mu~addith

(scholar of Jfadfth) of Delhi and Shaykh Al).mad Sirhindi

struggled in order to rehabilitate Islam in India.

Shaykh AQ.mad

exerted the last powerful Moghul ruler Awrangzeb (d. 1708) to return

Islamic Resurgent Movements ill The Il1do·Pak Subcontinent, op. cit, p. 39. N~dwi : Syed Abul Hasan Ali . Sayid Ahmad Shahid - His Life and Missiol1 . Trans . by ~oh1Ud~1O Ahmad. Lucknow. Isl~mic Research Academy and Publication. 1975, p. 7. . Islanllc Resurgent Movements In The Indo-Pak Subcontinent, op. cit., p. 34.




to the pristine teachings of Islam. Awrangzeb later on came to be recongised as the preserver of the pristine faith of Islam.

Shiih Wali Allah who was born in India in 1703, five years before the

death of Awrangzeb, was considered to be the one who succeeded in building a bridge between medieval and

modern Muslim India.

Fully aware of the religio-political and socio-economic disintegration of Muslims in India, he launched his two-fold reform movement. 12 His Jihad (Active) Movement, spearheaded by Sayyid AQrnad Shahid (d.

1831) and his disciples, carried on its endeavours against British rule throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. His educational and religious reforms led to the emergence of many great centres of Islamic learning, one of which was the Diir al- (Ulam in Deoband in the Uttar Pradesh Province of India.



The death of Awrangzeb in the early eighteenth century marked the end of Muslim rule in India.

Subsequently, by the middle of the

nineteenth century, Muslim India was completely colonized by the


Sayid Ahmed Shahid - His Life and Mission . pp.1 0-11.


British. This new colonial power introduced drastic changes in the political, economic, educational and cultural spheres, which in turn drastically reduced Islamic influences in India in practically every sphere of Muslim life.



The Jihad Movement, launched by Syed Al).mad Shahld (d. 1831) and his faithful disciple Syed Isma
prevent the British from forcefully occupying India, their religious leaders changed their strategy and directed their efforts towards protecting the Islamic faith and their cultural identity from the British and western onslaught.

After the demise of Shah Wall Allah (d. 1762), the Delhi 'ulama' were led by his four sons, namely Shah
Shah Raf( aI-DIn (1749-1818), Shah
13. For more details see Desai, Ziyaud-din A. Centres of IsLamic Learning in India. Simla. Government Press. 1978. 14 . IsLamic Resurgent Movements in the Illdo -Pak Subcontinent, op. cit., p. 45. 10

At Balakot, a place in the Northern Frontier Province of the present day Pakistan, the jihad waged by Syed AQ.mad ShahId and his mujahiddfn (soldiers) against the Sikhs ended in tragedy with their

martydom in 1831. Moreover, the failure of the 1857 uprising led by Mawlana (Inayat (Ali (d. 1858), who tried to liberate all Muslim

areas annexed by the Sikhs and British, gave the British an opportunity to unleash their savage atrocities against the Muslims. They banished the Moghul King Bahadur Shah (d. 1858) to Burma and many Muslims, especially the (iilama', were tortured and mercilessly killed. Their properties were appropriated and many masajid (mosques, sing. masjid) and centres of Islamic learning were

either destroyed or closed down.


The educational policy imposed by the British after the seizure of Delhi in 1803 and after its full occupation in 1857 was totally alien to Muslims. The British established colleges and schools with the aim of imposing western culture and values on their occupied subjects, which in turn aimed at promoting a kind of secularism.


Islamic Resurgent Movemems in The Indo-Pak Subcontiltem. op. cit., p. 53. II

The (alama' in the post-I8S7 period were convinced, more than ever before, that they had to rise to the situation and thus they decided to evolve an alternative educational system in order to counteract the influence of the British. There was growing fear that future Muslim generations would be totally alienated from their rich intellectual legacy and that they would end up neither being versed in the

Shartah (Islamic Law) nor in the moral values of Islam and its civilization.

The strategy of the (Ulama' in the domain of Islamic education was to concentrate their efforts on the establishment of madiiris (sing.

Madrasah). These madaris imparted education in the various Islamic disciplines with the hope that from these institutions there would arise a new band of Islamic scholars who would be able to meet the challenges posed by the new turn of events. Foremost among these Muslim educational revivalists were Mqwlana Qasim Nanotwi (d. 1879) and Mawlana Rashid At.unad Ganghohi (1908). Both of them were dedicated educational reformists and spiritual disciples of /:fa}r (Imdad Allah (d. 1899).16 Born on 3rd January 1818 in a village near Saharanpur, /:fa}r (Imdad Allah w'as instrumental in guiding many

16 .

Muslims in India. op. cit.. p. 5. 12

scholars belonging to the reformist school of Delhi.

He finally

migrated to Makkah and from there he continued to guide the generation of (alama' who were committed to the resurgent movement in India. About eight hundred of such (iilama' who hailed from the north and south of the Indian Subcontinent took the bay (ah (spiritual allegiance) on his hands.

Referring to the positive contributions made by Mawlana Nanotwi (d. 1879) in the field of Islamic education in the Indian Subcontinent, Mawlana Mana~ir Al:lsan GilanI (d. 1956) notes, in his biography on

that illustrious scholar, that it was after the failure of the 1857 War of Independence that Mawlana Nanotwi's mind was actively engaged in the establishment of new fronts of resistance and struggle of which the educational design of the Dar al- (Ulam was the most important of it all. 17

Education bears relation to the social system in which it is carried out. The structure of society depends on the type of education that is imparted to the younger generation. The early Muslims were pioneers in various branches of knowledge 'precisely because Islam, from its


Muslims in India, op. cit. , p. 5. 13

inception, always laid great emphasis upon education and it may be noted here that the very first word revealed in the Qur'an, namely, 'iqra' (i.e. a command to read) has a direct bearing on learning. 18

Initially, wherever Muslim abound, even in India, the masjid was not only a place of worship, but its extensive open space also served as a school where the young and old learnt how to recite the Qur'an. It was here that they listened to discourses on Jf.adfth (Traditions of the Prophet Mul:Iammad - s.a.w.s.), studied Islamic calligraphy, and learnt basic Fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) and other Islamic sciences. Gradually thereby, maktabs (religious schools), separate from the studies conducted in the masjid, were established wherein formal education in the Islamic sciences were imparted. Eventually, various Dar al- (Ulams (Institutions of Higher Islamic Learning) came into •




The Mongol invasion in the 13 century of Central Asia and other Islamic lands was in a way responsible for the influx of numerous scholars into India. These scholars brought with them their own

18. 19.

Qllr'iin, 96: I. Celltres of Islamic Learnillg in India, op. cit , p. 30. 14

system of education that subsequently led to the establishment of many educational institutions throughout India. Some Muslim scholars chose to hold private classes, while others took employment in State-run schools and colleges or other institutions that were established and run from private donations.20 Many such institutions continued to flourish and among them were the Mu
The Bidar Madrasah in Delhi occupied a three-storey building that comprised of a masjid, a library-hall, lecture rooms, lodging quarters for lecturers and students.


This model of educational institution has

more or less continued throughout India to this present day.

Today, the syllabus of these Institutions of Higher Islamic Learning may have undergone some modifications, but by and large, the nature of the curriculum still remains the same. Religious sciences occupy the most prominent position in the curriculum with the Qur'an being considered the source and fountain-head of Islamic learning with


21 •

Muslims in India, op.cit., p.86. Cenlres of IsLamic Learning ill India, op. cit. pp. 9-10. 15

Arabic not only being taught as a language, but most of the textbooks are in Arabic as well.

The British Government, the most powerful representative and advocate of western civilization in the East, entrenched its authority in India by the early eighteenth century and imposed an army of ideas, institutions and techniques upon its Indian subjects. The Indian Muslims, on the other hand, were at that time a defeated lot, dejected, baffled and humiliated.


The failure of the 1857 uprising dealt a

severe blow to the morale of the Muslims. The British viewed the Muslims as their enemies and were determined to forcefully take over the Indian Subcontinent from them.






At this critical juncture in the history of Muslims in India, two types of institutions of higher Islamic learning came into existence. One was totally religious under the patronage of the

influenced by modern education and the British system of education spearheaded the latter.

When Britain colonized India, the 'ulama' finally decided to leave beloved, but desolate Delhi and opted to move to the villages and towns where many of them had their roots. Deoband, Saharanpur, Kandelah, Gangoh, Lucknow and Bareilly were some of these villages in which they chose to settle in and establish their educational institutions. British presence in these villages was nominal and hence they were considered the safest venues for the preservation and promotion of Muslim culture and Islamic religious knowledge. The
education with the hope that in due course a host of prominent Muslim scholars would emerge from these Islamic institutions of higher Islamic learning.



At the turn of the eighteenth century a notable Muslim family, whose members were respected for their religious knowledge, settled in

Nadwi , Syed Abul Hasan Al i. Western Civilization Islam and Muslim. Lucknow. Academy of Islamic Research and Publication, n.d., p. 61. 17


Lucknow. Mulla


aI-Din (d. 1691) who had always retained close

links with the Moghul court in Delhi was the head of that family. He was a member of the committee that was appointed by Emperor Awrangzeb (d. 1708) with the task of compiling religious edicts on various issues affecting the Muslim community which came to be known as al-Fatawa al- (Alamghfriyyah. At this juncture, it may be pertinent to mention that since that particular Muslim family occupied a French mansion that was given to them by the Moghul rulers, that family came to be referred to as Farangf Mal}al.

Dar al- (Ulum Farangf Mal}al came into existence in 1693. It was

founded by Mulla


aI-DIn Sihal (d. 1748) and was a direct

descendent of the F arangf Mal}al family of Lucknow. He was responsible for evolving the syllabus of that educational institution and as a result, the curriculum of studies was named after him, i.e. Dars-e-Ni'{.amr (Ni'{.amf Curriculum).23 This curriculum came to be

implemented in practically every Muslim religious institutions in the Indo-Pak Subcontinent and in other parts of the world, including South Africa.

23 .

Centres of Islamic Learning in India, op. cit., p. 27. 18

Dar al-


Like the
Farangi MalJal 'ulama' paved the way for further reforms to be effected within the Dars-e-Ni?-ami Curriculum.27

Centres of Islamic Learning in India, op. cit., p. 14. Metcalf, Barbara Daly. Islamic Revival in British India : Deoband. 1860-1900. Princeton. Princeton University Press. 1982, p. 36. 16. Centres of Islamic Learning in India , op. cit., p.14. 24.



After the demise of Shah Wall Allah in 1762, his eldest son, Shah 'Abd al- (Aziz (1746-1824), continued to bring about changes in the curriculum. He and his brothers, namely, Shah Rafi( aI-Din (17491818), Shah (Abd aI-Qadir (1754-1815) and Shah (Abd al aI-Ghani (d.

1831)28 taught the religious sciences in Delhi, particularly studies in Alpuifth, to a large number of students. Muslim public gained further

access to instruction in the Shar(ah through his famous F atawa (Legal Opinions).

During the second half of the nineteenth century the Muslim intelligentsia felt that it was necessary to effect further changes into the Dars-e-Ni?-amf Curriculum. Thus these changes were finally made and implemented in the emerging Islamic religious institutions, like Dar al- 'Ulftm of Deoband, V.P., India.


The town of Deoband lies ninety miles northeast of Delhi and is typical of other large villages scattered across northern India. Muslim

27. 2K.

Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860·1900, op. cit., p. 44. Islamic Resurgent Movements in India, op. cit., p. 45. 20

scholars in Deoband belonged to two prominent families, namely the (UthmanI and Siddiqi families. Their influences had persisted since 29

Moghul times.

The famous Dar al- 'Ulam Deoband was finally

established by in 1867, ten years after the mutiny. Credit goes to

Mawlana Qasim Nanotwi (1832-1880), Mawlana Rashid AJ:unad Ganghohi






Fatehpuri (d. 1927), Mawlana Dhii al-Fiqar (d. 1904) - the father of

Mawlana Mal:unud al-I:Iasan, Mawlana (Abd al-Ral).man (Uthmani (the father of Mawlana Shabbir AJ:unad 'Uthmani) and Mawlana Mehtab (Ali /fajf for the establishment of that institution. Mawlana Mul:1ammad (Abid I:Iusayn who initiated the first contribution towards the establishment of that institution became its first Principal. 30

One of the first teachers at Dar al- 'Ulam Deoband was Mulla Mal).mud, and one of its first students was Mal).miid al-I:Iasan, and both shared, by coincidence, the first name Mal).miid. 31 Mal).miid alI:Iasan was born in Bareili, U.P., India and later on became well known as Shaykh ai-Hind. It was during the time when he had been

19 .

30. 31.

Islamic Revivaln British India: Deoband 1860-1906, op. cit., p. 30. Centres of Islamic Learning in India , op. cit., p. 34. Islamic Resurgent Movements in The IlIdo·Pak Subcontinent, op. cit., p. 56. 21

studying Islam under the local (ulama' in his village that the Dar al(Uliim Deoband was established. He was the fust student to enrol at

that institution. The first batch of students comprised of 16 young Muslim students and Mawlana Mal).miid al-l:Iasan was declared the most outstanding student in the first annual examinations which were conducted by Mawlana Qasim NanotwI. He completed his studies in 1873 and a year later was appointed as one of the most famous teachers at that institution. In all he spent 40 years at that institution where he played an important role in its teaching programme as well as in its administrative affairs. He passed away in Dehli in 1919 and lies buried in Deoband.


Mawlana Qasim NanotwI was instrumental

in establishing Dar al- (Uliim Deoband which was officially opened th

on 30 May 1866. He passed away at the age of 46 and lies buried in Deoband. After his demise, the Majlis-i-Shiira of Dar al- (Uliim Deoband elected Mawlana RashId Gangohl as the new Principal. He

passed away at the age of 75 in 1904. Both he and Mawlana Qasim NanotwI were the students of the famous Mu~addith Shah (Abd alGhanI DehlawI (d. 1878). They both took spiritual allegiance on the hands of /fajf Imdad Allah Muhajir Makkf (d. 1899).


Mas 'iid, Anwar Shah. Naqsh · j·Dawiim. Delhi. Sherwani Press, n.d. p. 33. 22

In the early stages when Dar al-
Chatta Wali Masjid (Mosque with a thatched roof) under a spreading pomegranate tree that still stands. Later on, as the student population increased, some nearby houses were rented and used as classrooms and dormitories for students and staff. Classes were also conducted in a section of the Jami' Masjid (Friday Congregational Mosque). Dar

Over the years, Dar al-
The decision not to accept financial assistance from the Indian Government nor from any other government agency is strictly adhered 23

to, lest there may be interference in the autonomous functioning of the •



Dar al-
comprising of the Patron (Sarparast), Principal (Muhtamfm), Head Lecturer ($adr-i-mudarris), and Head of the Fatwa (legal opinion)

Department. It has 13 academic departments and among some of the 22 Islamic sciences which are taught are: Qur'an, al-TaJsfr (Qur'anic exegesis), J:ladfth (Traditions of the Prophet - s.a.w.s), U$ul al-J:ladfth (Principles of the Traditions), al-Fiqh (Islamic Jurisprudence), U$al al-Fiqh (Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence), Arabic grammar,

Persian, etc. 34

Dar al-
its kind in the Muslim world and is perhaps second only to the famous Al-Azhar University in Cairo, Egypt. For over a century now, this

great seat of Islamic learning has occupied an unrivalled place amongst the many Islamic religious institutions worldwide.

II .

Tayyib, Qar Muammad. Tarfkh Dar aL- ' UlUm Deoband. Deoband. Maktab-i-'Uthmiini, n.d.


. Centres of IsLamic Learning in India. op. cit., p. 20.


The goal of this institution is to train the (ulama' who are dedicated to promote the cause of Islam through their expertise in the field of Islamic Sciences. Some of the scholars produced by this institution serve as a'immah (sing. imiim) in the various masajid where they lead Muslims in the five congregational Sallit (Prayers), the ]umu(ah (Friday) Salah and the (Id (Festival) Salah. They are also engaged in imparting religious education to the general Muslim public. Some of its graduates choose to take up employment at any of the many Islamic educational establishments either in India or in other parts of the world. Others choose to be du (at (preachers) and some others devote their energies in disseminating the knowledge of Islam via the 35

medium of the pen. Most importantly, the (ulama who have emerged from Dar al- (Ulum Deoband have always served as role models for leadership and guidance for the Ummah (the Muslim community), both in the political and non-political fields.

Traditional Islamic religious education, based on the Dars-e-Ni?amf curriculum, is imparted over a six-year period. The medium of instruction is in the Urdu language. Education is thus essentially based exclusively upon the prescribed textbooks in the various branches of

l'. Tarikh Dar al- 'Ulum Deoband, op. cit., p. 98. 25

the Islamic sciences. The students read the prescribed works in the presence of their teachers and the teachers expound upon the texts and correct their readings as well.

At the end of their formal education, students are given the option to spend another two years in order to specialize in anyone of the branches of Islamic Sciences such as Tajsfr, /fadfth, Fiqh etc. Academic certificates issued by Dar al- (Ulum Deoband are recognized by almost all academic institutions worldwide.


The (ulama' of Dar al- 'Ulum Deoband founded other institutions of higher Islamic learning on a similar pattern in other parts of India. For example, in 1875 Mawlana Mazhar (d. 1885) established Ma?,ahir al- (Ulum in Saharanpur, and in the same year he founded Madrasat-i-Shahf in Muradabad.

The Dar al-' Ulum Deoband

graduates also serve in these newly established educational institutions.

)6 •

Centres of Islamic Learning in India, op. cit. , p. 21 .




Sir Syed A1;unad Khan (1817-1898) who witnessed the last days of the Moghul Empire and the failure of the 1857 War of Independence founded the Aligarh Movement. His family had close ties with the East India Company and his grandfather held a high post in that Company.37 Sir Syed Al)mad Khan too joined the East India Company after resigning from the Moghul administrative services. He was fascinated by the administrative skills of the British and had great admiration for their intellectual insight. He opposed the war against the British and he was of the view that Muslims had no option but to cooperate with the British imperial power which had come to stay in India.

He advocated that Muslims should accept the Western educational system with all its materialistic implications and should study the modern sciences. He followed the theology of the Mu (taziltes, who believed in the rational interpretation of religion and the application of the laws of nature to metaphysical issues in an attempt to reconcile the

31 •

Islamic Resurgent Movements in The 1lIdo-Pak Subcontinent, op. cit., p. 123. 27

Qur'an to modem science. He even regarded the study of the English language as a religious duty. 38

The Aligarh College, which was instrumental in disseminating Sir Syed Al:unad Khan's thoughts, was founded in 1864. The
Mawlana Qasim Nanotwi, were invited to serve on that committee, but he declined the offer. In 1921 the Aligarh College became a fullyfledged University and none can deny the fact that that University served to foster the cause of Muslim education in India and even played a significant role in reshaping the political future of modern India.

)3 .

Islamic Resurgent Movements in the Indo·Pak Subcontinent, op. cit., p. 124.




In 1893 Mawliinii Mu1).ammad 'All Mongheri (d. 1918) and some of his colleagues founded the intellectual movement of Nadwat al-

(Ulamii'. But it was only five years later in 1898 that Nadwat al(Ulamii', as an educational institution of higher Islamic learning, came into existence at a crucial time when the Muslim intellectuals were divided into two groups. One group was termed the modernists since they were influenced by Western education and its sciences and civilization. They were in essence the product of the western system of education and indoctrination. The other group was the orthodox Muslims whose role models were the (alamii'. The great majority of

(Ulamii' was ~ot ready to reconcile and accommodate the Western system of education. They regarded the Islamic religious curriculum that was already in vogue to be perfect and final. Hence, they viewed any attempt not to conform to that set Islamic religious educational pattern as an act of subversion and an innovation that could not be tolerated at any cost. However, amongst these (alamii', there was a few who were enlightened and concerned about the future of the Muslims in India. Some of these (alamii' were Mawlana Mul:tammad (All MongherI (d. 1918), Mawliinii Lu~f Allah of Alighar (d. 1915), 29

Mawlana AJ::unad l:Iasan of Kawnpur (d. 1933), Mawlana Ashraf cAli

Thanwi (d. 1943), Mawliinii Khalil AJ::unad of Saharanpur (d. 1927) and Mawliinii Fakhr al-l:Iasan of Gangoh (d. 1897). They could foresee the dangers that could beset the Indian Muslims if that narrow mindset were allowed to perpetuate.

As a result of their concern, they initiated the convening of a special convention of (ulama' belonging to all schools of thought in 1893 at Kawnpur, which is situated in the present day Uttar Pradesh, India. It was during their deliberations that the movement of Nadwat al(Ulamii' (Association of (Ulamii') carne into existence. It emerged as

a powerful school of thought on the religio-cultural and intellectual scene of the Indian Subcontinent. This group of scholars chalked out a balanced and middle course between the Deoband and Aligarh educational systems and thus bridges were possible to be built between the old and the new order.

Mawlanii MUQammad 'AU Mongheri was appointed as the first rector

of Nadwat al-
constituted with the mandate to prepare an integrated syllabus in close consultation with other centres of learning.

The English language along with some other secular courses such as science, history, geography and mathematics were also introduced. (Allamah Syed Sulayman NadwI (d. 1953) and Mawliinii Abul Kalam

Azad (d. 1955) were responsible for the editing of the monthly journal of Nadwat al- (Ulamii', namely, al-Nadwah.

iUlamah Syed Sulayman NadwI succeeded (Allamah Shibli Nu (manI

as the director of education and discharged his responsibility with great zeal. He followed the footprints of Allamah Shibli and the institution benefited greatly from his unique literary abilities and experiences. Allamah Syed Sulayman NadwI also took part in religiocultural and political affairs. When he finally retired, the office which he occupied was placed in the hands of Syed Abul I:Iasan (Ali NadwI (d. 1999). In 1961 Syed Abul I:Iasan (Ali NadwI was appointed as the rector of Nadwat al- (Ulamii'. He held that post until his demise in 1999.


None can deny the fact that Nadwat al- (Ulama' made an invaluable intellectual contribution in India. It succeeded in producing scholars of international repute who were in a position to effectively convey the message of Islam to the modern world in such a manner that appealed to both the western educated Muslims and those who studied in the traditional Islamic institutions.


In the midst of all these developments, Mawlana Anwar Shah Kashmiri (hereinafter referred to as Shah SalJib in this dissertation) opted to pursue higher Islamic education at Dar al- (Ulam Deoband. He did that upon the advice of his teachers in Kashmir and Hazarah (which became part of Pakistan, post-British rule). It may be appropriate to point out here that during the time and era that Shah

SalJib lived, it was considered a great honour and privilege to study under a reputable teacher and Mawlana Mal:lmiid al-l:Iasan was the most notable teacher of l:fadith at Dar al- (Ulam Deoband at that time.

39 .

Khan, Sayyid Amad, Tahzi b al-Akhldq. Lahore, Islamic Publication. 1959. Vo1.2. p.l.


Chapter Two




Anwar Shah Kashmirl's (hereinafter referred to as Shah sa~ib) forefathers migrated to India from Baghdad «Iraq) some two hundred and fifty years ago. They travelled through to different regions in India before they finally chose to settle in Kashmir. Shah



grandfather, Shaykh Mas \id Narwar1, was a saintly figure in Narwara, a suburb of Sri Nagar, capital of Kashmir. He was a master tradesman and was called Malik al-Tujjar (king of tradesmen). In 1568, his grandfather took bay
Shah sa~ib genealogy can be traced back to Nu (man Ibn Thabit

(1501773) who was popularly known as Imam Abu l:IanIfah! His


Qasim, Mas'lid A~mad . $frat-i- Anwar . Deoband. Idiiral-i-HadI, n.d. p. 9. 33

genealogy is found in Shah sal}ib's two works, namely, Nayl al-

Farqadayn (Clarity on the Question of Raising of the Hands in Saliih) and Kashf al- Satr (Lifting the Curtains from the Question of Salat al-



Shah Siil}ib's father, Shaykh Mu(a??am Ibn Shah (Abd al-KarIm Ibn Shah

al-KhaIiq Ibn Shah MUQammad Akbar Ibn (Anf Ibn Shah

Haydar (Ali Ibn Shaykh (Abd Allah Ibn Shaykh Mas (ad Narwi alKashmiri, was born in the district of Mu?affar Nagar, in a place called Kirnaw. He too was of a saintly nature and was the follower of the

Suhrawardf Silsilah (a Sufi Order). Many inhabitants of Kashmir received spiritual guidance from Shiih $iil}ib's father who passed away at the ripe age of 115 and is buried in Wirnu, Kashmir.3



Shah sal}ib was born in the beautiful valleys of Kashmir on 27 Shawwal 1292/26 November 1875 in a village called Dudwan which is

:. BijniirI.' Sayy~d AIJma? Rida. Anwaral-Biirl. Gujranwala. Maktab-i-l:Iafiziyat. 1981, p. 231. . Naqsh-I-Dawam, op. CIt., p. 27. 34

near Kapwara in the valley of Lawlab. His parents were practicing Muslims and thus he grew up in a religious environment. At the tender age of five, his father taught him the recitation of the Holy Qur'an and at the age of seven he instructed him in Farsf (Persian language).

After mastering Farsf, he studied Arabic grammar, fiqh (Islamic Jurisprudence) and


al-fiqh (Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence)

under Mawlana GhuHim Mul:1ammad Rasunipura. Shah


was so

enthusiastic in his intellectual pursuits that within two years he had acquired basic grounding in these subjects.


It was during that early period of his life that his unusual talent and

memory were manifested. For example, his father stated that while his son was studying Mukhtasar al-Qudurf (an abridged version of a lJanafi Manual on Islamic Jurisprudence), he would ask him challenging Jiqhrelated questions which compelled him to consult other voluminous Islamic Jurisprudence works in order to satisfy his son's intellectual •




Biniiri, MuQ.ammad Yiisuf. Mushkiltit al-Qur'tin. Maligaon. 'llmi Press. 1974, p. 5.

s. $ira{-i-Anwar, op. cit., p.lO.


In 1887, after completing his primary Islamic education in Kashmir, Shah $a~ib travelled to Hazarah in quest of higher Islamic learning.

Since he was only 13 at that time, the physical separation from his parents was extremely hard upon him and his parents.


Hazarah was then considered to be the centre for where one could obtain higher Islamic education. It was there that some prominent Islamic scholars conducted classes in the different branches of Islamic sciences. Shah


studied in that district for a period of three years, but his

great thirst for knowledge could not be fulfilled there. Thus, once his teachers notified him about Dar al-

In 1889, he arrived at Deoband. During the early years of the establishment of the Dar al-


Arshad, 'Abd al-RaI:tman. Bis Bare Musalman. Karachi. Maktab-i-Rashldiyah. 1975, p. 380. Anwar al-Bari, op.cit. , p. 237. 36

Dar al~
congretional prayers) at that mosque, cleaned it and looked after its general affairs. It was while he was residing at that mosque that one of the trustees of the mosque, namely, Qafjf A1)mad I:Iusayn, introduced him to Mawlana Mal)mud al-I:Iasan. This is how he came to be a student of that renown Muslim scholar who himself had studied under two notable scholars of that time namely, Mawlana Qasim Nanotwi and Mawlana Rashid AQmad Gangohi. Besides studying under Mawlana

Mahmud aI-Hasan, Shah Sahib . . . . also studied under Mawlana KhalIl 9

A1)mad Saharanpuri, Mawlana Ishaq Amratsari and Mawlana Ghulam Rasul. Mawlana Ghulam Rasiil hailed from Hazarah which is today part of the Northwest Province of Pakistan. He completed his studies at Dar al~
appointed as a teacher at that institution where he taught for 30 years. He passed away in Deoband in 1918.

Mawlana KhalIl A1)mad Saharanpuri was born in 1852 in Ametha, V.P.,

India. He was a descendant of Sayyiduna Ayyub al-An~an (r.a.). He had

s. 9.

Naqsh-i-Dawam, op. cit, p. 30. Not much infonnation is available about Mawlana Ishaq Amratsari. 37

his rudimentary education in his village where he was also introduced to basic Arabic and Farsi under the supervision of his uncle, Mawlana An~ar

(Ali. In 1868 when Dar al-
established, he took admission there, but he complete his studies Mazahir al-
memorized the Holy Qur'an in only one year. He then returned to Dar al-
Islamic institutions and in 1906 he returned to Saharapur where he spent 19 years before finally emigrating to Madfnah al-Munawwarah, in the present day Saudi Arabia, where he passed away in 1927.

However, it was only in 1894 that Shah $alj,ib was exposed to the classical works of ijadfth literature, for example, al-Jami ( al-$alj,flj, of Imam al-Bukharf, and Sunan al-Tirmidhf, and Ta/sfr (exegesis) works,

for example, al-Jalalayn. These works were included in the curriculum so as to enable the students to have an in-depth insight into the original sources of Islam.


After his formal education at Dar al-


Shiih $iilJib taught Islamic sciences at Madrasah Amfnfyah which is

located at the Sunahri Masjid (Golden Mosque) in a suburb of the city of Delhi. This institution was founded in 1892 and named after its founder Maw/ana AmIn al-Din who was a close friend of Shah $alJib. He

appointed Shah $alJib as the first Sadr al-Mudarrisfn (Head of the Teaching Staft) at that institution. Mawlana Amin ai-Din was born in 1864 in Aurangabad, Deccan, India. In 1884 he enrolled as a student at Dar al-
established Madrasat al-Amfnfyah in Chandani Chowk, a suburb of Delhi. He passed away on the 6111 of June 1920.


In 1902, Shah $al'}ib's mother passed away and upon receiving that information he returned to Kashmir. When he arrived in Kashmir he witnessed the pathetic condition and plight of Muslims. He made up his mind then and there to settle in Kashmir and serve the Muslims who resided in his birthplace. He took up a teaching post at Madrasah Faye!

During his sojourn in the holy cities of Makkah and Madlnah, he visited various libraries and Islamic educational institutions and met some notable scholars like (Allamah Shaykh I:Iasan TarabulasI who was a great scholar of !jadfth.

In 1908 Shah $al'}ib contemplated emigrating to the holy city of Madlnah and felt that he should first pay a courtesy call on his teacher and mentor, Mawlana Mal)miid al-I:Iasan, at Dar al- (Ulum Deoband in

10 • For a detailed account of Shah Sa~ib journey in the Holy Cities see Muhammad Yiisuf Biniiri' s Nafo..tat al- 'Anbar, op. cit., pp. 9-10. .


order to obtain his permission and blessings. Mawlana MaI:unud alI:Iasan, however, discouraged him to emigrate to Madinah and insisted that Shah salJ,ib should rather leave Kashmir and settle in Deoband. He offered him a lecturing post at Dar al- (Ulam Deoband and out of respect for his teacher, he accepted the post reluctantly. During his first year as a teacher at the Dar al- (Ulam Deoband, he was assigned the task of teaching three of the six Authentic Collections of /fadfth, namely Al-

Jami( al-SalJ,flJ, of Imam Muslim, the Sunan of Imam aI-Nasa'I, and the Sunan of Imam Ibn Majah.

Within a few months after Shah SalJ,ib began teaching at Dar al- (Ulam Deoband, his teacher, Mawlana MaQrnud al-I:Iasan, became extremely involved in politics. Mawlana Ma1).mud al-I:Iasan's involvement in the politics of independence movement of India incurred him the hostility of the British and thus he was forced to emigremigrate at Dar al- (Ulum Deoband felt that during the absence of Mawlana MaQrnuQ al-I:Iasan, Shah salJ,ib ought to be given the added responsibility of teaching Al-Jam( al-SalJ,ilJ, of Imam al-Bukhan and the

Sunan of Imam al-TirmidhI. This gave Shah salJ,ib an ideal opportunity to effect a change in the methodology of teaching the science of /fadfth. 41

His innovative method of teaching attracted large number of students from every corner of India. He was then accredited as Shaykh alijadfth" (a title given to an expert in the field of ijadfth). It was in that

same year (1908) that Shah SalJ,ib got married. His wife belonged to a respectable family in Ganghoh.

During the eighteen years that he spent teaching at Deoband, he was instrumental in producing some prominent scholars in the field of ijadfth. As many as 2 000 students qualified under him, some of whom


Mawlana 'Abd aI-Qadir Raipuri:2 Muftf Mu~ammad Shaf(

CUthmam, - - 13







KhandelwI,IS Mawlana Badr-i- cAlam,16 Mawlana Mu~ammad Yiisuf

II •

AI-I:Iasani, 'Abd al-I:Iayy Fakhr ai-Din. Nuzhat al-Khawii{ir. Karachi . A~~I) al-Matabi '. 1976,

p.82. 12 • Mawliinii 'Abd ai-Qadir Raipuri studied Sunan al-Tirmidhi under Shah Sahib at Madrasah . . Aminiya and later became a great spiritual guide. 13. Mufti Mul)ammad Shafi' 'Uthmani founded the Diir al- ' Ulum in Karachi, Pakistan and was the author of the famous Tatsir Ma 'iirij al-Qur'iin). He passed away in 1976. 14. Mawliinii Manazir Ahsan JiIani was a lecturer at the 'Uthmani University in Hyderabad Deccan, India. He passed away in 1952. ". Mawliinii Idris Khandelwi taught Hadith at Diir al- 'Uliim Deoband, established the famous Jiimi'iih Ashrafiyah in Lahore, Pakistan, and wrote many books, of which Talfq al-Sabi~ became famous . • 16. Mawliinii Badr-i- 'Alam taught at Diir al- 'Ulum Deoband and at Dhabel, was the author of Faye! al-Biiri which is a commentary on Sa~i~ al-Bukhiirf and he finally migrated to Madinah where he passed away in 1965.


BinGr1,17 Muftf

Shah $alJib, besides being engaged in teaching, also devoted some of his

time in the propagation of Islam. He delivered public lectures on Islam in various parts of India and also produced some literary works in defence of Islam. His works are discussed in chapter three of this dissertation.

In 1927 Dar al-
than a national asset held in trust. Overall control of its administration was in the hands of one family, but internal strife within that particular

17. Mawlilnil Mu~ammad Yiisuf Biniiri studied under Shilh $il/Jib at the Dilr ai-'Vlam in Dhabel and Shilh $il/Jib appointed him to teach $a/Jf/J al-Bukhilrf after he retired from teaching at that institution. He was a notable author and wrote Ma 'ilrijal-Sunan which a commentary on Sunan al-Tirmidhf. He also founded the Jilmf'ilh Islilmfyah in Newtown , Karachi, Pakistan. He passed away in Karachi in 1977. 18. Muftf 'Atiq al-Ra1)man taught at Dilr ai- 'Vlam Deoband and at the Dilr al- 'Vlam in Dhabel and he was a Mufassir (commentator) of the Holy Qur'iln. and gave juridical rulings on Islamic legal matters. 19. Mawlilnil Manziir Nu'mani was a notable Indian scholar and author. 20. Qilrf Mu~am~ad Tayyib became the Principal of Dilr ai- 'Vlam Deoband and served that institution for 50 years. He was also a notable orator and author.


family greatly pained Shah SalJib. Thus, he and some other prominent teachers like


Mawlana MUQammad Ibn Musa Mia MrIqI

was instrumental in

convincing Shah salJib to take up a teaching post at the Dar al-
After Shah salJib joined the Dar al- 'Ulam in Dhabel,

students from allover the world began to flock to Dhabel and within a short space of time, it became a renown institution of higher Islamic learning. Upon his arrival in Dhabel, Shah salJib observed that Muslims in the Gujerat district of India were engaged in some practices that were not in conformity with the Islamic concept of tawlJfd (Oneness of Allah).

21. Mawlana Shabbir AQmad 'Uthmani was born and educated in Deoband. He studied under Mawlana MaQmud al-J:lasan. Later, he also taught /fadfth and Ta/sfr at Dar al- ' Ulam Deoband and at Dar al- 'Ulam in Dhabel. He was author of Fatl; al-Mulhim, a commentary on $al;fl; Muslim . He was equally involved in politics and a member of the first Parliament in Pakistan. He passed away in 1949. 22 . Anwar al-Bari, op.cit. Vol. 2, p. 238.


. Mawlana MUQammad Mia's father was originally from Simlak, a village near Dhabel. Mawlana Mia later migrated to South Africa and' became a very successful businessman. He studied in Dar al- 'Uliim Deoband under Shah Sahib. When Mawlana Mia returned to South Africa he established the Waterval Islamic Institutit~, which is popularly known as Mia's farm , in Gauteng, South Africa. He passed away in South Africa in 1963. 44

Thus, he spent his spare time educating the lay Muslims and enlightened them on the Sunnah of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.).



After spending five years teaching in Dhabel, Shah salJib became very ill. He took leave of absence and returned to his home in Deoband, where both the lJakfmi4 and allopathic doctors, such as Dr MukhUir A1).mad An~an, sought to attend to his medical condition.

On Sunday 2Dd Safar 1352/27 May 1933, after the
24 •

Physicians who practise Eastern medicine. 45

News of Shiih $iilJ,ib's passing away spread like wild fire throughout India. The following morning Mawliina
Shiih $alJ,ib lies buried in an orchard in the outskirts of Deoband, located close to the
Mawlanii Mul)ammad Mia, who was one of his close students and

2.l . Mawlana Asghar I:Iusayn was born in Deoband in a very pious family. His grandfather was a colleague of Mawlana Qasim Nanotwi. Mawlana' Asghar was a student of Mawlana I:Iusayn A~mad Madani, and later taught Sunan Abf Da'iid in Deoband. 26. A place where Muslims congregate to perform the festival prayers, namely tId al-Fi{r and 'Id



associates, financed the renovation of that room in order that the caretaker of that newly found graveyard could be housed in it. Several other members of Shah $aJ;,ib's family have since then been buried in that particular graveyard.

It is also rumoured that he was buried in that particular place and not in the QasimI cemetery, where the other (ulama' of Deoband are buried, because of his differences with them. However, that view is not tenable in view of the fact, as mentioned earlier, he had requested that he be buried in that particular orchard because he used to frequent it in order to study and he also enjoyed its fruits.


News of his demise appeared in practically all major newspapers and condolences poured in from all over the Muslim world in which sadness were expressed at the loss of such an eminent Muslim scholar.



The renown

27 .

poet (Allamah Mul)~mmad Iqbal, derived

Naqsh-i-Dawiim, op. cit. , p. 49.



spiritual and intellectual benefit through his association with Shah salJ,ib. When Shah salJ,ib decided to leave Deoband, he tried to persuade him to migrate to Lahore. 28 When he learnt of Shah salJ,ib's demise, he penned down the following words:

Muslims have not seen the like of this great scholar during the last five hundred years.29

Mawlana ShabbIr Al},mad
Not only have the students been deprived of a great teacher but the learned ones too have lost a great guide.





Al},mad MadanI (d. 1958/ was asked to speak at

a gathering after the demise of Shah salJ,ib, but was so overcome with


29. 30.

Anwar ai-Blir;, op. cit. , Vol. 2, p. 245. Naqsh-i-Dawlim, op. cit., p. 57. Bijniiri, SayyidAl)mad RiQa. Malfu~lit-i-Muf;addith Kashmir;. Karachi, Da' wat-i-Islam, n.d.,


p.: J:Iusayn Al)mad Madani was born and brought up and studied at Deoband and was a student of Maw/linli Mai)miid al-J:Iasan . In 1898 he migrated to Madlnah where he studied for everal years. In 1327 he returned to Deoband and taughtijadfth until his death at the age of 84 in 1958. 48

emotions that he could not compose himself, he broke down in tears and was unable to speak. The only words that he could utter were: "The culama ' and students have become orphans today. ,,32

Mawlana An~ar Shah, the youngest son of Shah Sa~ib, have recorded in

his work Naqsh-i-Dawam the poems that were composed in honour of his father and practically all messages of condolences that were received after his demise.



Shah Sa~ib had five children, three boys and two girls. His eldest

daughter CAbidah Khatiin) died at the age of twenty-five in Bijnor where she was married. His eldest son, Mawitina Azhar Shah is the editor of the periodical Dar al-


Bukhtirf. His second son (Mul:Iammad Akbar) passed away at a young

32 •

Naqsh-i-Dawiim, op cit. , p. 59.


age and his youngest son Mawlana


Shah lectures at the Waqf Dar

al- 'Ulilm in Deoband and is an acclaimed author.





was of medium height and was strongly built. He had a

broad forehead and a thick beard that covered his entire face. On the whole, Shah sa~ib had pleasant physical features.

He was utterly simple in his manners and honest in his dealings. He was eloquent in speech and had a warm personality. He was a source of inspiration for everyone who came into contact with him. People from all walks of life loved and respected him.

Throughout his life, he tried to uphold the teachings of the Prophet Mul)ammad (s.a.w.s). Mawlana Qan Mul)ammad Tayyib noted that practical application of many of the sunnah of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) could only be understood after observing Shah practice. 50


putting them into

For many years Shah $a~ib was paid for his teaching services at the Dar al-
principal's house and sent to him. He never complained about the food, nor did he ever request for any special meal. He led a very pious and humble life.


He held the rich and the poor on equal footing. He refused to accept any position of leadership. Although Shah


possessed vast knowledge,

he was devoid of any streak of arrogance. Everyone could meet him without having to make any prior appointment. Shah



endowed with a special gift of communicative power and the aptitude to illustrate his stance on any particular issue. His contemporaries often turned to him for guidance in resolving some important religious problems.

While it is true that an individual's fame rests upon one's good deeds and noble qualities, Shah

$a~ib' s

fame rests primarily upon his

dedication to knowledge and literary works. He has left his name

)). Tayyib, Qari Mu~ammad . Nur-ai-Anwar. Deoband. Idarat-i- Hadi, n.d., p. 75 . 51

embossed on the pages of history like many other classical Muslim scholars, namely, Imam al-RazI, Ibn al- (ArabI, Imlim al-BukharI and Shah Wall Allah. Shah $aJ;.ib always displayed reverence and respect

for Islamic texts and religious literature. From the very tender age of seven, he did not touch them without first perfonning the wutja (ablution).34

He had profound reverence for all his teachers. He often said that he considered himself to be the slave of that person who taught him something, even if it was only one word. 35



Mawlana (Ata al-Allah Shah BukharI was once asked how he could best describe Shah $liJ;.ib and he remarked that the caravan of the Companions (r.a.) of the Prophet (s.a.w.s) was passing by and Shah

34 . 35.

Naqsh-i-Dawam, op.cit., p. 75. Ibid, p. 81.


sal}ib was left behind. Thus indicating that Shah sal}ib possessed pious qualities.


Mawzana Sayyid A1)mad Ri(;la of Bijnor, Shah sal}ib's son-in-law, who spent sixteen years in the company of Shah sal}ib, maintains that MawZana Shabblr A1)mad

MawZana Ashraf
36. 37.

Malfu(.iit-i-Mu~addith Kashmirf, op. cit., p. 39. 'Uthmlini, Shabbir A~mad. Al-Qur'iin al-/fakfm. Karachi. Taj Art Press, n.d., p. 388.


of the fact that Shah saJ;ib was a Muslim was ample proof that Islam ought to be the true religion. 38

Whenever Shah sahib's teacher, Mawlana Mal,uniid al-I:Iasan, noticed

Shah sahib sitting in his gathering he would ask him to come over to sit beside him and would request the audience to direct their questions to

Shah saJ;ib. Or, alternatively, he would request that particular student of his (i.e. Shah sahib) should verify his answers.39

Mawlana Shah (Abd aI-Qadir RaipiirI states that although he studied only for a few days under Shah sahib, he found him to be an ayah of

Allah (a sign of Allah).40

Mawlana I:Iasan (AlI NaqshbandI, who was a student of Mawlana Ganghoh, was of the opinion that if anyone wanted to specialize in

lJadfth then that person would have to enrol as a student of Shah saJ;ib. 4 1

- . Anwar, op. CIt., . p. 48 . . s-lrat-lMalfu?iit- i-Mu~addith Kashmirr, op. cit. , p. 41. 40. Ibid, p. 41. 41. Ibid, p. 41. 38



In 1913 when (Allamah Rashid Rida, a former Rector of the renown AIAzhar University in Cairo, Egypt, was visiting Nadwat al- (Ulamii' in Lucknow, U.P., India, an invitation was extended to him to visit Dar ai(Uiam Deoband. He accepted the invitation and after spending a few

days in Deoband he returned to Cairo and wrote in his Arabic periodical, ai-Manar, that he had never previously met a greater Ijadfth scholar

than Shah $al;ib. 42

When AUamah Mul;addith (Ali Ijanbalf ai-Misrf, who was recognized to be a I;afi? (memoriser) of the $al;fl;ayn ($al;fl; al-Bukharf and $al;fl; Muslim) visited Deoband, he attended the lectures that were delivered by Shah $al;ib on Sal;fl; of al-Bukharf. During the course of the lectures he

sought explanations from Shah $al;ib on many issues. Shah $al;ib promptly answered his questions in the Arabic language. After the lesson was over, he remarked that he had travelled widely throughout the Arab world and in Egypt and he himself had taught Sal;fl; al-Bukharf for ten years, but he had not met any scholar of Ijadfth of the calibre of Shah $al;ib. He further remarked that he tried to test Shah $al;ib's


Malfu?at- i-Mu~addith Kashmir;, op. cit., p. 42.


knowledge by asking him some difficult questions but was amazed that Shah $a~ib possessed vast knowledge.


Mawlana ShabbIr ~ad (UthmanI once said that if anyone were to ask

him if he had seen (Allamah TaqI' aI-DIn Ibn DaqIq aI-DIn or if he had met Ibn Hajar al- (AsqaIanI then he would reply in the affirmative because having seen and met Shah


and met those two illustrious personalities.

was the same as having seen 44

(Allamah Sayyid SUlayman NadwI (d. 1953) the famous author of the

Prophet's biography, namely, Sfrat al-Nabf, was full of praise for Shah $a~ib.

He mentioned that Shah


was highly educated, had a great

insight, a powerful memory, was a ~afiz of /fadfth, very pious and that Shah $a~ib continued to teach /fadfth until his death.4s

43. 44 .


Malfu?at-i-Muhaddith Kashmiri, op. cit., p. 4 2. Sirat-i-Anwar, op. cit. , p. 48. . Anwar ai-Bari, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 244. 56

MawZana I:Iusayn ~mad MadanI said that he had met many great

scholars in India and in the Arab world and had lengthy intellectual discussions with them, but Shah $a~ib outshone all of them. 46


MuJtfKifayat Allah (d. 1953t observed that he was not sure whether he

would ever meet any scholar who could ever match Shah $a~ib. 48 MawZana Sayyid Asghar I:Iusayn said that while trying to solve any

juridical problem, he would first consult the authoritative works in the libraries and it was only after his failing to find an appropriate answer, would he then seek guidance from Shah that if Shah



Moreover, he remarked

were to tell him that he would not be able to find an

answer to his particular question in any source work, then Shah


who was an avid reader, was always correct. 49

and studied some articles

46 • Anwar al-Bari, op.cit., Vol. 2, p. 244. '7. Mufti Kirayat AlIiih was born in Shah Jahapur, a, village in D.P., India. He studied I:ladith in Deoband. He was one of the founder members of the Jam 'rat al- 'Ulama-i-Hind and a member of the Indian Congress until his death in Delhi at the age of 86 i~ 1953. ". Anwar ai-Barr, op.cit., Vo1.2, p. 244. 49. Ibid, p. 244. 57

written by Shah $alJib. When Shah $alJib eventually visited Egypt,

(Allamah KawtharI met him and conceded that Shah $alJib was the most qualified scholar in deducing the laws of Islamic Jurisprudence from

lJadfth and that Shah $alJib ranked second only to Ibn Humam, the author of FatlJ aZ-Qadfr.so

Mawzana KhalIl AJ:lmad Saharanpuri,sl while compiling his famous BazZ aZ-Majhud (a commentary on Sun an Abf Da'ud), sought the advice of Shah $alJib.

$0 •

Sirat ai-Anwar, op.cil., p.48 58







was considered an authority on the Qur'an and ljadfth and knowledge

of the





contemporaries acknowledged his expertise in the various fields of Islamic sciences. He had a passion for books and he visited most of the libraries in India and in other Arab countries in order to acquaint himself with the latest Islamic literature that were then available in the Muslim world. I



was an avid reader and his reading speed was far above

average. He would daily scan through two hundred pages of Musnad A~mad Ibn ljanbal.


What is indeed fascinating is that while

conducting his lectures in ljadfth, Shah from Musnad



would quote

Ibn ljanbal without having to refer to the

written text. He also managed to read the entire I.



Malftqiit-i.Mu~addith Kashmiri, op. cit., p. 41. A collection of Iftidith by the famous jurist Imam A~mad Ibn J:Ianba\.



aI-Qadfr (a

commentary on the Hidayah)3 within a period of twenty days and mastered it and was in a position to shed light on the various issues that were discussed in it with great ease.


It was common practice among many of the Indian

views and opinions in their literary works. In order to

illustrate this fact, it may be suffice to mention, for example, that a scholar of the calibre of Mawliina Shabblr Al)mad

OpInIOnS in order to support his own

conclusions on various matters.


Mawlana l:Iablb al-Ral),man (d. 1929)8 used to refer to Shah $a~ib as a mobile library and Mawlana Mul)ammad Yiisuf BiniirI ranked Shah $a~ib

among the classical Muslim scholars of the calibre of Imam

A legal manual of J:Ianafi School of Islamic Jurisprudence. Qasimi, Mas 'lid A~mad, Sfrat-i-Anwar. Deoband,Z India, Idiirat-i-I:Hi<;li, n.d. , p. 23. 5. A commentary on $alJflJ Muslim. 6. An exegesis of the Holy Qur'an. '. AI-NCl.$flJah,: A Quaterly Periodical. Azadville. South Africa. December. 1993, p. 21. '. An 'alim who studied and qualified at Dar ' Uliim Deoband. 3.



Abu I:Iamid al-GhazaIi (d. 1111), Ibn Hajar, Ibn Taymiyah, and

Imam al-Razi. 9



Shah $alJ,ib resolved to dedicate his entire life in the service of Islam and through his writings, he managed to clarify certain issues which kept on puzzling many a Muslim scholar. He tackled the religious controversies that were in vogue during his time in order to guide the Muslim masses. Most of his works were published under the auspices of


Bijniiri and Mawlana

Mul:lammad Yiisuf Biniiri were closely attached to that academy until it was finally transferred to Karachi in 1946.10 Mawlana Tasnim, the son-inlaw of Mawlana Mul:lammad Yiisuf Biniir!, headed that academy until his passmg away.

9. 10.

Biniiri, Yiisuf. Nafo.at al-'Anbar. Deoband, India. Bayt al-Hilcmat, n.d., p. 25. Bijniiri, Sayyid A~mad . Anwar aL-Biiri. Deoband. National Printing Press. n.d., p. 282. 61

Shah SalJ,ib's literary works covered a wide range of subjects that

were, for example, related to the Holy Qur'an, (Aqa'id (Fundamental Beliefs), Metaphysics, Islamic Jurisprudence, Zoology, Poetry and Political thought. Some of his works in the different fields of Islamic Sciences are briefly discussed hereunder:




Mushkilat al- Qur'an (Difficulties in the Qur'an)

Shah SalJ,ib spent hours studying the Holy Qur'an on a daily basis, but

surprisingly, although he was gifted with a remarkable memory, he never committed the entire Holy Qur'an to memory. A plausible explanation for that can be attributed to the fact that whenever he pondered over the Holy Qur'an, he would become so engrossed in its rhetorics, style and the implications of the divine message that he was left with no free time to be in a position to memorise it.

Mushkilat al-Qur' an is predominanqy in Arabic, but passages in the

Farsi language also appears throughout the work. The main objective 62

of undertaking to write this work was to interpret only those verses of the Holy Qur'an which are generally considered to be difficult to understand. Thus, while analysing these verses, Shah $al},ib began by first discussing the opinions of some of the notable mufassirun (exegetists) and thereafter he gives his personal view. Shah $al},ib believed that a proper commentary of the Holy Qur'an could best be done in the light of asbab al-nuzal (causes for the revelation of the verses). Knowing the causes for the revelation of the verses would assist the exegetist to be in a position to relate the Qur'anic verses to contemporary time. A special feature of this particular work is that the author has, in addition, set aside190 verses which, in his opinion, required further discussion and repeated consideration.

Mushkilat al-Qur' an was published after Shah $al},ib's demise by Majlis-i- (Ilmf in Dhabel.


Mawlana AQmad Bijnurl edited the

manuscript and included in the footnotes a list of all the sources that

Shah $al},ib had cited in it. In order to accomplish that, Mawlana BijnurI had to read the entire manuscript, trace all the sources and that

". Naqsh -i-Dawam, op .cit., p. 298. 63

turned out to be a tedious task. However, the inclusion of the footnotes has inevitably enhanced the value of this work.

The 228-page book was later republished by one of Shah saJ;.ib's renowned students, namely, Mawlana Mul)ammad Yiisuf Biniin with a 38-page introduction. In his introduction, Mawlana Mul)ammad Yiisuf Biniin touches briefly upon Shah saJ;.ib's life and his involvement in the study of the Holy Qur'an and discusses all the sciences that are somehow related to the Holy Qur'an. He also touches upon the conditions that qualify a person to write a commentary on the Holy Qur'tin. This edition was published by Majlis al-
The writer of this dissertation has another edition of this work which was also published by Majlis-i- (Ilmfin 1974 in Maligaon (a village in Surat, India). In this edition, the introductions of both


BiniirI and Bijnfin have been included. 13

Naqsh-i-Dawiim, op .CiL, p. 299. I) • Kashmiri, Mu~ammad Anwar Shah. Mushkiliit al-Qur'iin. Maligaon. Majlis al- 'Ilmi. 1974, pp. 1-139. 12.


The second edition of this work made its appearance in 1996 in and was published by Majlis-i- (Ilmf in Karachi and its distributor was Idiirat al-Qur'iin Wa (Ulum al-Isliimiyyah, Karachi. This second

edition comprises of 448 pages.


Shortcomings in Mushkimt al-Qur'iin

There are at least two shortcomings in this work:

1. The use of Farsi throughout the work makes it cumbersome reading especially to those who cannot read and write Farsi. 2. It is not an exegesis on the entire Holy Qur'iin. Its title clearly limits its scope. It is only an attempt to interpret those verses of the Holy Qur'iin that are generally held to be difficult to comprehend.





AI-J)arb al-Khiitim (alii-Qudiith al-
This work is a philosophical discussion on the existence of God and , the creation of the universe. Shah $alJib penned this work in 1926 while he was teaching in Dhabel. The aim for writing this work was to refute the theory of creation, which was having an adverse effect on the minds of the Muslim youth, and also on students who were enrolled at the different educational institutions in India and the Arab world. This work was written in Arabic in poetry form and consists of 400 stanzas. It was written in poetry form in order to facilitate the Islamic Studies students to easily grasp its message.

In its introduction, Shah $alJib mentioned that he would make use of modem scientific and old philosophical arguments in order to prove his case. He further stated that he had read innumerable books on the subject discussed in his work, especially the acclaimed al-Zawrah of Jalal DawwanI, but found all such literature to be inconclusive. He felt



that his input would be unique. Al-parb al-Khatim 'ala-lfuduth al-

'Alam was published by Majlis-i-'Ilmf, Karachi in 1962 for the first time. Its second edition appeared in 1996 and was published by Majlis

al-Ilmf in Karachi and its distributor was Idarat al-Qur'an Wa

Mirqat al-TalJ..nm Ii lJudiith al- 'Alam (Steps leading to the Creation of the Universe)

Like the previous work, this work further elaborates upon the question of the creation of the universe. This 62-page work was written in 1932 while Shah $alJib was teaching in Dhabel and was published by


Sabri, an

Egyptian scholar, who expressed his admiration in Shah $alJib's profound philosophical discussion and his insight in the problem. 15

In the introduction of the previous work Shah $alJib mentions that the reason for undertaking writing on this topic was to discuss the Nafoat al- 'Anbar. op. cit., p. 125. Al-Khayr, a monthly periodical of Jiimi' Khayr al- Madiiris, Multan, Pakistan, dated July 1993, p. 35. 14.



existence of the UnIverse, how it came about and what was its purpose. In this particular work, Shah


included numerous verses

of the Holy Qur'an and related metaphysical issues are addressed. Although the work is essentially in Arabic, several Persian poems have been included.

It is important to point out here that with the establishment of modem

schools by the government authorities and private individuals, it became imperative to voice the opinions of traditional scholars. Shah $a~ib's

input was extremely vital at a time when both the British and

the modem educated Muslims were putting the institutions of higher Islamic learning to the test. Its second edition appeared in 1996 in Karachi .




Sahm al-Ghayb fi Kayd Ahl al-Rayb (Arrow in the heart of the Sceptics about the hidden)

Shah sa~ib always fervently appealed to his co-religionists to live in ,

peace and harmony with each other and to keep away from all forms 68

of hatred and resentment for each other. He felt deeply grieved whenever he heard that Muslim scholars were fighting and arguing over petty religious issues. This was so because he was of the view that the fundamentals of religion had already been clearly laid down, practised and explained.

Shlih $lilJib undertook to write this 66-page treatise while he was

teaching at the Madrasah Amfniyah in Delhi. He was then 22 years old. In this work which is written in the Urdu language, he attempted to explain the thoughts and beliefs of Mawllinli Qaslm NanotwI and Mawllinli KhalIl Al)mad Saharanpuri in relation to the belief in

Prophethood. In its conclusion he wrote a few poems in praise of a few 'ulamli of Deoband. Majlis-i-

Kitlib al-Dhab 'an Qurrat al- 'Aynayn (In defence of the coolness of the eyes)

The Shf'ah sect came into existence during the early stages of Islamic rd

history and matured towards the end of the 3 century Hijrf and during ~

the beginning of the 4th century Hijrf. 69

One of its beliefs is that

although Sayyiduna 'All (r.a.), the Prophet's (s.a.w.s.) nephew and son-in-law, was superior to all other


(Companions of the

Prophet (r.a.), he was nevertheless deprived of becoming the first khalifah (successor to the Prophet - s.a.w.s.).

It, therefore, became

common practice among the Shi (ites to slander the Companions of the Prophet (r.a.), especially, the first three Pious Caliphs, namely, Sayyiduna Abu Bakr al-SiddIq (r.a.), Sayyiduna 'Umar Ibn al-Khanab

(r.a.) and Sayyiduna
In order to educate his students and Muslims in general about Shi
illustrious Companions (r.a.) and successors to the Prophet (s.a.w.s.). Shah $a~ib quotes extensively from the A~adfth of the Prophet

(s.a.w.s.) and from the reports of other Companions (r.a.). This book was written in Persian while Shah Madrasah Amfniyah. 16


Naqsh-i-Dawam, op. cit. , pp. 325-326.



was teaching in Delhi at

Thus the main objective of this work was to caution the Muslims against the Shr

'Aqidat ai-Islam fi /fayat elsa (a.s.) (Islamic belief in regard to Jesus being alive)

The 1857 struggle for independence was suppressed and the British launched a vigorous campaign to spread their culture in India and Islam was regarded to be the greatest threat. The British therefore, went out of their way to support Mirza Ghulam Al}.mad QadiyanI (d. 1907) to create a rift amongst Muslims. Born a Muslim, Mirza Ghulam Al}.mad studied Islam and Comparative Religion .. Later on, through his teachings, he began to erode the very foundation of Islamic belief by preaching that divine revelation had not ceased and that he


too was a recipient of divine revelation. He began his movement by first claiming to be a mujaddid (religious refonner) and then took the logical step of claiming to be a prophet.

In 1891 he went a step further and claimed that he was the Promised Messiah. In 1902 he went to the extent of claiming to be the best and most perfect Prophet. His British masters assisted in promoting his teachings. In order to curtail this heresy, the 'ulama' throughout India launched a concerted campaign to refute and denounce this un-Islamic sect, both in their speeches and writings.

In 1924 when Mirza GhuHim AQmad claimed to be the Promised Messiah, Shah $al:z.ib undertook to write 'Aqfdat al-Islam fi lJayat
Messiah according to the Qur'an and Authentic Traditions).l' Mawlana Mul)ammad Yiisuf Biniiri wrote a 32-page forward to this

340-page book and republished it in Karachi 1961. Majlis-i-

other work, namely,


aI-Islam fi lJayat


Ikfor al-Mutl.lidin (Pronouncement of unbelief against those who deny the basic beliefs of Islam)

Shah sa~ib was concerned about the irreligious and atheistic

tendencies creeping into the Muslim community in India through the western educational literature. He thus felt that it was imperative for him to write on the basic fundamental beliefs (aqa 'id) of a Muslim. In

this treatise, Shah


explains those acts and beliefs that could

result in one's exclusion from the fold of Islam. In its introduction, Shah sa~ib mentions that he hoped that this work would serve as a

guide to correct Islamic beliefs so that Muslims would .desist from entertaining such beliefs that could render them to be out of the fold of


TulJ!at al-'Anbar, op. cit., p. 113. 73

Islam. This work was also intended to equip his students to uphold the pristine teachings of Islam.


This 132-page book was published by Majlis-i- (Ilmfin Delhi in 1931. It was translated from Arabic into Urdu by one of Shlih $lilJ,ib's noted students, namely, Mawllinli

MUQammad Idris Mirathi and was

republished by Majlis-i- (Ilmf in Karachi in 1968. Its second edition appeared in Karachi in 1996.

It may be noted here that this work was written when the issue of kufr (i.e. disbelief) was being pronounced on the QadiyanI movement. In this work Shlih $lilJ,ib discusses the QadiyanI beliefs and illustrates the reasons as to why they are to be regarded to be out of the fold of Islam.


TalJiyat ai-Islam fi Jf.ayat (lsa (Greetings of Islam in regard to the living nature of Jesus - a.s)

Shlih $lilJ,ib wrote TalJ,iylit ai-Islam fi lfayat (lsa while he was teaching at Dhabel (1932). This ISO-page work, like the previous one,


Nafoat al- 'Anbar, op. ciL, p. 116.


deals with the same subject matter of the Prophet Jesus (a.s.), but contains additional infonnation and arguments.

In its introduction, Shah $aJ;ib justifies his writing this work by stating that in the previous book on the same subject, he had omitted to discuss some important issues and that the ummah needed to be further cautioned about the kufr (disbelief) of Mirza Ghulam A1;unad Qadiyani. Majlis-i-



bi rna Tawatarafi NuziiJ al-Masi", (Clarification on what has successively been reported on the second coming of 'lsa (Jesus) -a.s.)

In this work, Shah $aJ;ib quotes seventy authentic lfadith which are directly related to Sayyiduna 'lsa (a.s.) and his return to this earth. He also quotes the opinions of the Companions of the Prophet (r.a.) on this issue. This work was first published in Beirut with two forwards one by Shaykh 'Abd al-FattaQ Abu al-Ghuddah (d. 1999) and the other by Mufti MUQammad Shafi< (d. ~975). Its second edition was


Kashmiri, Anwar Shah. Ta~iyat al-IsLamfi f:Jayat (lsa. Karachi. Majlis-i- 'nmi. 1996, p. 39. 75

published by Jam (iyat Ta~affu?- Khatm-i-Nubuwat (Soceity for the Preservation of the Last Prophethood) in Multan, Pakistan, and the date of publication is not mentioned. The only other book written on this topic is by Qaq.f al-ShawkanI, the author of Nayl al-Awtar.2o This work was republished by Majlis al- (Ilmf in Karachi in 1996 with an introduction written by Mawlana Yiisuf Biniin (d. 1977)and Shaykh (Abd al-Fatta!) Abu al-Ghudda.


Khatam al-Nabiyin (Finality of Prophethood)

The QadiyanI belief and the propagation of its teachings in Kashmir during the early part of the 20th century disturbed Shah


and he

chose to write this work in the Persian language and it was his wish to dedicate it to the people of Kashmir. Khatam al-Nabfyfn deals with the whole concept of the finality of Prophethood as viewed by Islam and also touches upon the qualities of the Prophets (a.s.) of God in general.

Some of Shah


students, such as Mawlana .'Azlz al-I:Iaq Bihan,

Mawlana Mana?:ir Al:tsan GhiIanI (d. 1956) and lJakfm 'Azlz al111.

Naqsh.j.Dawiim, op. cit. p. 317.


Ra1).man, attempted to translate this manuscript into the Urdu language but none of them was able to accomplish this task.


This 304-page book was written in the Persian language and was finally published two years after the demise of Shah


by Majlis-i-

'Ilmf in Karachi. Its Urdu translation was fmally accomplished by

Mawlana Yiisuf Ludhyanwl and was also included in the same publication.


'AtIq al- Ra1).man cUthmaru and Mawlana

Yiisuf Biniirl wrote the foreword of this work. 22

Mawlana 'AtIq al-Ra1).man 'Uthmaru was born in 1901 and brought up in Deoband. He taught for several years in Deoband and headed the


(legal) division. He was also one of the founder members of the

Nadwat al-Musannifin - a research academy in Delhi, India, and the editor of its monthly journal.

21 .


Naqsh-i-Dawiim, op.cit., p. 327. Al-Khayr, op. cit., p. 34.



Da (wat Ifif.z aI-Imam (Call to preserve the Faith)

Three days before Shah Sa~ib' s demise, Imdad-i-Isiam an organisation established for the purpose of combating the Qadiyanism heresy, organised an Islamic conference at the Jami ( Masjid, Deoband. The proceedings began after the Friday Congretional Prayer. Shah


was asked to present a paper on the threat of Qadiyanism, but could not personally attend the conference due to ill health. He, therefore, sent a request that his Urdu paper entitled Da (waf lfif? ai-Imam be read out to the participants at the conference.

In that paper, Shah


discussed certain strategies that could

effectively be used to counteract the spread of that new un-Islamic sect and how to protect and preserve lman (faith) in the face of the onslaught of the Qadiyani propaganda. The paper also touched upon a number of topics such as what constitute correct beliefs, the concept of Iman (faith) and khiitam ai-nubuwwah (finality of Prophethood), etc. Imdad-i-Islam Anjuman published that paper after Shah Sa~ib' s

demise and Madlnah Press in Bijnor printed it. 78



Insofar as his juridical writings are concerned, it ought to be mentioned here that Shah $al}ib was very impressed with the works of Imiim MuQ.ammad bin al-l:Iasan al-ShaybanI such as the Muwatta', al-

Athar and al-l:Iujjah. However, although Shah $aQib was a staunch I:Ianafi (follower of the I:Ianafi School of Jurisprudence), he equally read the major works of every other juridical school, he also had great regard and respect for Imam al-Shafi 1. He was of the view that none could be qualified as a mufti (Le. one who pronounces legal verdicts) unless and until that person had also studied Ibn Nujaym's al-Barl} alRa'iq. This work is the voluminous commentary of the Kanz al-Daqiq,

a lengthy book written on the jurisprudence of Imam Aba I:IanIfah.



F~l al-Khitab

Fi Umm al-Kitab (Final Decision On the First Siirah of the Holy Qur'an)

al-Khirab Ff Umm al-Kitab is the first book written by Shah

$al}ib on the law pertaining to the recitation by the muqtadi (one who

follows the Imiim in the Congretionai prayer) of Sarat al-Fatil}ah (the 79

Opening Chapter of the Holy Qur'an). There is a lJadfth which states la ~alat-illa bi fatiJ;.at al-kitab (the prayer is not valid unless and until 23

the Opening Chapter of the Holy Qur'an is recited).lmiim Shill (i held the opinion that the one who follows the Imam in the congretional prayer should recite Surat al-FatiJ;ah although the Imam recites it audibly or not. In this book Shah $aJ;ib explains the I:Ianafi position as to why the muqtadf is exempted from reciting it.

This 106-page work was completed in two days while Shah $aJ;ib was teaching in Deoband and was first published in 1918. In this work he collated all the AJ;adfth which have direct relevance to the issue in question.

In its introduction, Shah Sahib of Muhammad . . states that the Hadfth . . Ibn ISQaq which pertains to the issue of reciting Surat al-FatiJ;ah while following the Imam in the congretional prayers needed to be discussed and that was the very aim for his undertaking to write that particular work. He also discusses at length the other AJ;adfth which pertain to

AI-Sijistiini, Sulaymiin Ibn aJ-As 'ath. Sunan Abr Dii'iid. Karachi. I:Iakim Mu~ammad Sa 'id, n.d., p.118.



that ruling. In the conclusion mention is made that the aim for his writing that book was in no way meant to refute the ruling of any particular School of Islamic Jurisprudence, but rather to expound upon 24

and clarify the l:Ianafi position on the issue. Shah $alJ,ib supported the l:Ianafi position that it is not obligatory upon the muqtadf to recite

Surat al-FiitilJ,ah while following the Imiim in ~aliih, irrespective of the fact that in two of the compulsory daily prayers the Imiim does not recite it audibly. Its second edition appeared in Karachi in 1996.


Khiitim al·Khitiib fi FiifilJii! al·Kitiib (Conclusive discussion on the Opening Chapter of the Holy Qur'iin)

This is Shah $alJ,ib's second work on the same subject of the compulsory nature of-reciting the Opening Chapter of the Holy Qur'iin while praying behind the Imiim. This work is in the Persian language and was published in Deoband with a forward by one of Shiih $iilJ,ib's prominent teachers, namely Mawliina Ma1;uniid al-l:Iasan.

24 ,

KashmIrI, Anwar Shah, F~l al-Khi{ab Ff Umm al-Kitab. Karachi. Majlis-i- 'IImI. 1996, p. 152. 81


AI-Nur al-Fa'id 'ala Nal-m al-Farii'id (Abundant light on the arrangement of the lAws Inheritance)

Al-Nur al-Fa'id 'ala Na?-m al-Fara'id is in the Persian language and

deals with the intricacies of the laws pertaining to Islamic Inheritance. A unique feature of this book is that it provides a simplified version of the laws of inheritance. Shah Sal]ib chose to write this work in poetry form so as to make it easier for the students to memorize these laws. It consists of 192, stanzas. One of Shah Sal]ib's students, namely Mawlana Fakhr aI-Din AlJrnad Muradabadi (1972) published this

work in Muradabad in 1936.

Mawlana Muradabadi qualified as a religious scholar at Dar al- (Ulum Deoband and taught in Muradabad for 47 years. However, after the

demise of Mawlana l:Iusayn AlJrnad MadanI in 1957, he was appointed as Shaykh al-/fadfth at Dar al- (Ulum Deoband.



Nayl al-Firqadayn fi Ma$'alah Rafc al-Yadayn (Clarity on the question of raising of the Hands in $allih)

The raising of the hands in


besides after the takbfr alii, was a

question of dispute among the fuqahii' Uurists) and remains a contentious issue to the present time. lmiim al-SQ.afi'1 was of the view that one should raise one's hands after the ruka ( (bowing position in fonnal prayer) while the !:lanafi school holds a different view. Both the SQ.af'i'1 and I:Ianafi Schools substantiate their positions on the basis of the different AlJiidfth that have been reported on that issue.

In Nayl al-Firqadayn fi

Ma~'alah Rat al-Yadayn, Shiih $iilJib

explains all the AlJiidfth which are for and against such a practice and concludes by pointing out that the I:Ianafi view ought to be upheld in this regard, i.e. that the hands should be raised only once at the time of the commencement of the


and that such a practice would be in

conformity with the strict sunnah of the Prophet (s.a.w.s).

Shiih $iilJib wrote this 14S-page work in Arabic while he was teaching

in Deoband (1909-1927) and it was published only in 1931 in Dehli. 83

In its introduction, he states that his intention for writing this book was not to prove that lifting of the hands in ~alah is correct or incorrect. He conceded that there were AlJ,adlth that justify both such practices and thus he felt that it was important to clarify the l:Ianafi ruling and opinion on that particular issue. Its second edition appeared in Karachi in 1996.


Bast al-Yadayn (Unfolding of both hands in prayer)

This work contains additional research on the ruling pertaining to the unfolding of one's hand while engaged in ~alah. This 63-page work is in Arabic and it is a sort of supplement to the previous work on the same subject. It was first published in 1932 in Dehli and its second edition appeared in Karachi in 1996.


Kashf al-Satr (an $aliit al-Witr (Lifting the curtains from the question of $ala.! al-Witr)

This work deals with all the stipulations which pertain to the witr ~alah which forms part of the $alat al- ([sha' (the night formal prayer), i.e. 84

how it ought to be performed, how many raka 'at it consists of, etc. In this lOO-page work, Shah salJ,ib refutes the opinions of Muslim jurists of other Schools of Islamic Jurisprudence and provides proof as to why the I:Ianafi School's stipulation that the witr


consists of three

raka (at is most plausible. 2S This Arabic work was first published in 1934 in Dehli and in 1996 its second edition appeared in Karachi.




Khaza'in al-Asrar (Treasures of the Secrets)

Shah salJ,ib was in the habit of writing notes on any book that he read. Khaza1in al-Asrar is in effect Shah salJ,ib's notes on 'Allamah Kamal al-DIn al-DamirI's book on Zoology entitled /fayat al-/fayawan (Life of the Animals). This 65-page work was first published by Majlis-i(Ilmf in Delhi. Subsequently, it was translated into Urdu by Dr. Mu~affar

al-I:Iasan Monghiri who had it published by Idarat-i-

Islamiyah Press in Lahore, Pakistan.

Kashmiri, Mul,1ammad Anwar Shah. Kashf ai-Satr 'an Saliit al-Witr.Karachi. Majlis-i-'I1mi. 1996, p. 2. 85




Shah Sa~ib became interested in poetry from a very young age since

his three brothers, namely Yasin, 'Abd Allah and Sulayman, were very keen in poetry and composed their own poems in the Persian language.

While Shah Sa~ib was teaching at the Dar al- (Ulam Deoband he also took part in the poetry sessions that were held under the auspices of the

Nadiyat al-Adab. Mawlana I'~a~ 'Ali

Amrohi (d. 1954) was

instrumental in initiating these poetry sessions for the benefit of the students.

Shah Sa~ib used to take part in these poetry sessions and was keen to

read out his compositions on a regular basis. It is to be noted that many of Shiih Sa~ib' s books were written in poetry form. Qatff Zayn al'Abidin Sajjad Mirathi, a student of Shah Sa~ib, had in his possession a collection of Shah Sa~ib' s poems, both in Farsi and Arabic. The


daily newspaper Muhajir of December 21 1927, published several of Shah $a~ib's poems.




unpublished poems in praise of his teachers can be found

in Mawlana 'Abd al-l:Iayy's Nuzhat al-Khawa{ir and few of his poems also appear in Naqsh Dawam on pages 251-270. His compositions in praise of his teachers and the Prophet of Islam (s.a.w.s.) are found in Mawlana Ytisuf Bintin's Nafo..at al- 'Anbar i.e. on pages 176 to 216. It

is estimated that Shah



wrote in all some 1 500 poems.


The economic and socio-religious conditions during Shah



were far from satisfactory. Muslims in general led their lives in a manner that was radically opposed to the spirit of Islamic teachings. Total absence of unity, apathy towards research and investigation prevailed even among the learned Muslims.

26. AI-J:IasanI, 'Abd al-J:Iayy Ibn Fakhr aI-Din, Nuzhat al-Khawiitir. Karachi. Niir Muhammad Press, 1976, p.83. " 87

Muslims were content to blindly follow certain influential personalities with the result that they failed to face the hard realities. Hindu Vedantism, Shi (ite tendencies and vile innovations prevailed upon them.

The discourses of the preachers were always blended with unsuitable hints of mysticism that led them astray from the right path. The Holy

Qur'an was recited simply for the sake of attaining blessings and was most of the time kept covered inside precious cloth. Serious thinking and independent approach to the spirit and letter of the law were recklessly ignored, with the result that they fell easy prey to superstitious and innovations. Shah


maintained that political

instability and personal insecurity led the Muslims to adopting such a position.

Thus, Shah


did not confine his activities merely to preaching

and writing of books, but remained vigilant and watchful of the changes that were taking place in the political arena.


He always

maintained that Islam could only flourish if a strong political power stood behind it. 27

From the time the British imprisoned his teacher, Shaykh ai-Hind

Mawlana Ma1;lmiid al-I:Iasan, in Malta (1915-1920) and since the establishment of Jam

His address to Jam'iyat 'Ulama-i-Hind in 1927

in Peshawar, which lies in present day Pakistan, was published in the daily newspapers. An extract of his entire speech can be found in ~T h· - 29 Ivaqs -l- D awam.

Shah salJ,ib supported the ideologies of the Indian National Congress. In his letters addressed to different political leaders of his time, he

. p. 36. . s-Irat+. Anwar, op.Cit., .Ibid, p. 36. 29 • Naqsh-i-Dawiim, op. cit., pp. 203-210. 27



expressed his reservations about a separate Muslim state. These letters can also be found in Naqsh-i-Dawlim.




Shlih $lilJ,ib's special field of interest and expertise was in lJadfth and

the science of lJadfth, the writer of this dissertation has thought it appropriate to devote an entire chapter to the contributions of Shlih $lilJ,ib in the field of lJadfth which appears in chapter four of this



According to Mawllinli Yiisuf Biniiri, there are at least thirteen manuscripts of Shlih $lilJ,ib which still remain unpublished to this day.3 1 They cover a wide range of topics:


lJadfth: It is alleged that during the period when Shlih $lilJ,ib was

involved in teaching Sunan Ibn Mlijah, a compilation of lJadfth belonging to the Six Authentic Collections of lJadfth, he penned

30. 31.

Naqsh-i-Dawtim, op. cit. , p. 211. Nafo.at al-'Anbar, op. cit., p. 132.


down a short commentary on it entitled lfashiyah ala Ibn Majah. However, Mawlana Binuo affinns that that treatise was

misplaced and its whereabouts remain unknown. 11.

Fiqh: Some of the legal treatises issues pertain to the sacrifice

which is offered to someone other than the Almighty Allah; the sacrificing of animals in the name of any other than Allah, a commentary on al-Ashbah al-Na?a'ir of the renown jurist, Ibn Nujaym, and a summary on Ibn Hummam's FatIJ al-Qadfr.


However, Shah $alJib managed to cover upto to chapter on lfajj (The Pilgrimage) only. 111.

Prose and Poetry: Shah $alJib used to compose his poetry and included in most of his works Arabic and Persian poems. It is alleged that he penned down a treatise on the rules pertaining to the composition of prose and poetry.

Mawlana An~ar Shah, one of Shah $alJib's two survlvmg sons,

mentions that most of the unpublished manuscripts of his father were kept in his father's house in Wirnu, Kashmir. However, a fire swept through that village and burnt down many houses, including that of his father, and left many people homeless. He does not mention the year when the fire took place, but affinns that his father's manuscripts were all destroyed as a result of that fire. 33



A manual on the J:Ianafi School of Islamic Jurisprudence. Naqsh-i-Dawiim, op. cit., p. 331. 91

Chapter Four



displayed the character of a devout

and saintly Muslim scholar. He was rigorous in the observance of his religious duties. He never displayed ill temper towards anyone, even when there was sufficient cause for him to do so. With all the good qualities he possessed, ijadfth was an obsession for him and he sacrificed everything for its sake.

It ought to be noted here that the


(r.a.) and the later

generation of Muslims always had great reverence for ijadfth. The reason for this is that they were aware of the fact that the Sfrah (biography) of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.), his discourses, utterances, actions, silent approval and even his passive conduct, all contributed next to the Qur'an, the second original source of Islam.

Although Shah Sa~ib researched, authored and lectured on many diverse









contributions in the field of /fadfth. He made it his duty to practically study all the sciences that were somehow related to /fadfth. 1

Shiih $iiJ:tib also studied the main compilations of /fadfth, such as the $iJ:tiiJ:t Sittah (The Six Authentic Collections of /fadfth) and other Ibn Hanbal, works such as Musnad al-Diirmf, Musnad Ahmad . . Muntaqii Ibn Jiirad, Mustadrak al-/fiikim, Sunan Dar al-Qurnf, Kanz al- (Ummiil of l:Iusam aI-DIn (All aI-MuttaqI, Majma( al-Zawii'id of al-/fiifi:(. N11r al-DIn al-HaythamI, al-Jiimt al-Saghir of Imiim alSuyii~I, Mu~annaf Ibn

Abf Shaybah and most of the other compilations

of /fadfth and manuscripts that were then available in India and other parts of the Muslim world.


Shiih $iiJ:tib's thirst for the knowledge of /fadfth also led him to study several hundred commentaries on the /fadith compilations. 3


example, only on al-Jiimt al-$aJ:tiIJ of Imiim al-Bukharl alone, he read over thirty different commentaries. Some of these commentaries are the voluminous FatJ:t al-Biiri of al-/fafi:(. Ibn Hajar al- (Asqalani

Nafoat ai-'Anbar, op. cit., p. 48. Ibid, p. 48. ). Ibid, p. 48. I.



(13 volumes), (Umdat al-Qarf of al-lJafi'{. Badr aI-Din al- (AynI (11 volumes) and Irshad al-Sarf of Qa~!alanf (10 volumes).4

Although Shah $alJib was impressed with the commentary of al-lJafi'{. Ibn Hajar, he was also critical of him. He was of the view that if Ibn Hajar had not concentrated his efforts on proving the validity of Imtim al-Shafi (i' s juristic rulings, his commentary would have been a far better work.s Ironically, however, he criticized Badr aI-Din al- (Ayni for failing to project the stance of the l:Ianafi School of Islamic Jurisprudence in his (Umdat al-Qarf.


Shah $alJib always maintained that the lJadfth literature is a

monumental treasure of wisdom that serves not only as a commentary on the Holy Qur' an, but also compliments the teachings and injunctions of the Holy Qur'an. Thus it is not at all surprising that Muslims spent so much time and energy in order to collect and compile volumes in which the sayings and practical examples of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) were preserved. Muslim scholars also took great pains in evolving a system for the critical evaluation of the


5. 6.

Nafo.at al-'Anbar. op. cit. p. 48. Ibid. p. 50. Ibid. p. 50.


authenticity and veracity of /:fadfth reporters and reports «Um


wa al-ta


first studied the science of /:fadfth from highly

accomplished teachers and thereafter imparted it to others. He strongly felt that his calling was not only to preach the Islamic creed, but also to disseminate knowledge about he Prophet's (s.a.w.s.) way of life. For this, he relied heavily upon the standard collections of /:fadfth and the commentaries of reputed scholars.

As far as the teaching of /:fadfth is concerned, Shah


aim was

to solicit guidance from the discourses of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) and to impart it to the modern educated Muslims.

He was concerned to

make them aware of how the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) practically implemented the teachings of Islam in his day-to-day life. 7 Shah Sa~ib explained and elucidated the import of the traditions of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) in simple language. He was convinced that the collection and compilation of the traditions did not occur by chance, but was in effect decreed by Allah (SWT) to become a reality. Thus, he explains that this was fulfilled by the Sa~abah (r.a.) who actually began


Qasimi. Mas'ii4 Ahmad. Sfrat-j-Anwar. Deoband: Idarat-i- Hadi, n.d., p. 37. 95

memorizing and writing down the traditions during the very lifetime of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.). This legacy was passed on to their successors and thereafter from one generation to another. Shah $alJ,ib also believed that Muslim scholars were divinely inspired to be inclined towards the traditions so that the sayings and practices of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) could be disseminated and preserved forever. Thus it was that he devoted his entire life to the studying and teaching of ljadfth.






In the study and teaching of ljadfth literature, Shah $alJ,ib made a concerted effort to:

~ explain the headings in the ljadfth compilation of Imam al-Bukhari

(i.e. tarjumat ai-abwiib) ~ analyze each ljadfth thoroughly so as to unravel its legal

implication ~ identify the ruwiit for the benefit of his students ~

discuss the import of the ljadfth.

These salient points are elucidated hereunder: 96

4.1.1 Tarjumat al-Awab (explanation of the headings)

Shah $iiJ;,ib devoted much effort in explaining the headings of the chapters in the compilation of Imam al-Bukhari. For example, the first

chapter is entitled .:ui


c)!<.r-.,JI i~ 0LS ~ (How was the

Beginning of the Revelation to the Messenger of Alliih). Shah $iiJ;,ib sheds light on why Imam al-Bukhan chose to begin his compilation with such a chapter heading which was actually not the norm amongst the compilers of J:Iadfth works. The norm is that one begins with the chapter entitled 0L.: ~Iy~ (The Book of Faith). Shah $iiJ;,ib points out that the approach of Imiim al-Bukhari was entirely different since he began with the theme of the beginning of the revelation prior to touching upon issues pertaining to faith (fmiin). While acknowledging the fact that it would be difficult to ascertain the intent of Imiim alBukhan in doing that, Shiih $iiJ;,ib nevertheless suggests that Imiim alBukhari wanted to show that the relationship between Alliih and humankind stemmed from revelation and that relationship required humankind to seek knowledge and put what he had learnt into action. Thus, this point comes to the fore in Imiim al-Bukhari's arrangement of the chapters. A chapter that deals with knowledge follows the 97

chapter on the revelation. This is then followed by a detailed survey of action (al-a (mal).

Shah $a~ib goes further and observes that it would have been better for Imiim al-BukharI to entitle the first chapter ~..,JI ~ (The Mode of the Revelation) since that is what the bulk of A~adith deals with in this chapter.


4.1.2 Legal implication of the lJadith

Rulings on the various legal matters are essentially based on the Qur' anic imperatives and lJadith reports.

In the event that there

seemed to be a difference among the various Schools of Islamic Jurisprudence on any particular issue, Shah


would present the

problem with the purpose of minimizing the differences. For example, the lJadith: ~L::J4 JL......e ~I L.....:a! - Verily actions are judged according to the intentions has been interpreted by the jurists on the basis of their own particular schools of thought. For example, inferring from this Hadith, the Shafi (i school holds the view that intention (niyyah)


Mirathi. Mu~ammad Badr-i- 'Alam. Fayrj al-Bliri. Cairo. Ma~ba 'ah a1-J:lijazi. 1938.

Vol. 1, p. 2.


is compulsory (jar4) at the time when one begins to perform the ablution (wU4U,).9 The view of the l:Ianafi school is that it is not compulsory for one to make the intention for performing the ablution. to Shah $a~ib then explains that since intention does not form part of the Qllr' anic imperative that pertains to ablution, it would be in order to conclude that it is meritorious and not compulsory to make the intention for performing the ablution.


Identifying the ruwiit (narrators)

When discussing any particular lJadfth, Shah $aJ;.ib made a concerted effort to identify the narrators in the isniid (chain of authorities reporting the AJ;.iidfth). He also went further and cited the names of the more unfamiliar narrators. For example, in the isnad of the very first lJadfth that appears in al-lamt al-$aJ;.fJ;. of Imam al-Bukhari, in the chapter entitled :~'''>J~''

F' r;£J

y~ (The Disappearance of

Religious Knowledge and the Appearance of Religious Ignorance)" the name of Rabi(ah appears as one of the narrators. Shah $aJ;.ib

Ibn Humam, Mul;1ammad Ibn 'Abd aI-Wal,tid~ Shar~ Fat~ al-Qa4fr. Cairo, Maktab aI-Babi aI-l:IaIabi. 1970. Volume 1, p. 32. 10. Shar~ Fat~ al-Qa4Jr. op. cit., p. 32. ". AJ-Bukhiiri, MUQammad Ibn Isma 'il. $a~f~ al- Bukhiirf. Cairo. Dar wa Matabi' alSha'b, n.d. Vol.l , p. 30. . 9.



explains that Rabi'ah was the teacher of Imam Abu l:IanIfah. Moreover, he also pointed out that Imam Malik Ibn Anas also studied Islamic Jurisprudence under the same scholar, namely, RabI

4.1.4 Import of the l;ladith

Shah $alJ,ib, commenting upon the /fadfth "Verily actions


judged according to intentions", points out that this saying of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) specifically concerned a particular person who migrated from Makkah to Madlnah in order to marry a particular woman, namely, Umm Qays. Thus, the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) wanted to clarify from that /fadfth that the reward for every action would be according to one's intention. In other words, the man who undertook the hijrah (migration from Makkah to Madlnah) would not be recompensed for having acted upon the commandment of Allah (SWT) i.e. to migrate to Madlnah. Hence, that particular person was referred to as muhajir Umm Qays for his migration to f\:1adlnah was merely for the sake of marrying Umm Qays.

12 .

Fay4 ai·Bar;' op. cit., Vol. I, p. 177. 100

TO200 70



There are in all six /fadfth compilations that are classified as al-$i~a~ al-Sittah (The Six Authentic Collections of /fadfth). Likewise, there

are many other compilations of /fadfth that are also regarded to be important contributions made in the field of /fadfth literature and are thus included in the curriculum of the Institutions of Higher Islamic Learning throughout the world. While it is important to note that Shah


did not actually write any book in the field of /fadfth, one

should not overlook the fact that Shah





as well as other works on /fadfth. His verbal commentaries on these works in the form of dictationsnecture notes were meticulously recorded by some of his dedicated students and were later published. These works continue to benefit teachers and students of /fadfth alike to this day.



The most important work of /fadfth is the authentic compilation of Imam Abu (Abd Allah MUQammad ibn Isma (n

al-Bukhari (d.

256/869) entitled al-Jam( al-Mursal min A~adfth RasUl Allah wa 101

Sunnatih. It is regarded to be the most authentic book after the Book

of Allah, i.e. the Holy Qur'an. Imiim al-Bukhari accomplished the compilation of this work over a period of sixteen years. The importance of his work can be judged from the fact that no other compilation of /fadfth attracted so much interest. Mawlana (Abd alSalam Mubarakpuri in his work entitled Sfrat al-Bukharf mentions that as many as 143 commentaries have been written on the compilation of Imiim al-Bukhan and he concedes that there may have been more than that. 13 Amongst the foremost commentators on Imiim al-BukharI's work were 'Allamah /fafi? Ibn Hajar al- (Asqalaru, /fafi? Badr aI-Din Ibn Al).mad al- (Ayni, Imam Fakhr aI-Din al-Nawawi, Imiim Abu Sulayman Khitabi and /fafi? Jalal aI-Din al-Suyiiti.

Among the scholars of Deoband, Shah


made a singular

contribution in expounding upon al-Jami' al-Sa~f~ of Imiim alBukhan and succeeded in bringing out the significance of this compilation of /fadfth. Shah on al-Jami< al-Sa~f~


Sa~ib' s

lectures in the Arabic language

were meticulously recorded by one of his

'Uthmani, Shabbir AJ:!mad. Fatjl ai-Bari. Karachi Idarat-i- 'Uliim Sharqiyah, n.d. Vol.

I, p. 186. 102

students, namely, Mawlana Badr-i

Fayt! aI-Ban calii $alJ,ilJ, al-Bukhan

Fayq. a/-Barf (ala $alJflJ al-Bukharf is a commentary on al-Jamt al-SalJflJ of Imam al-Bukhan in the Arabic language and was compiled from the dictationsllecture notes of Shah $alJib by one of his students, namely, Mawlana Badr-i-
Mawlana Badr-i-
At the age of 14, Mawlana Badr-i-
He spent four years at that institution as a

student of Shah $alJib. In 1927 .. when Shah $alJib moved from Deoband to Dhabel, Mawlana Badr-i-
Dhabel where he spent five years teaching. While he was engaged in teaching, he emolled as a student of Shah $alJib.


It was during that

period that he undertook to write down the dictations of Shah $alJib's commentary on al-Jamt al-$alJilJ of Imiim al-Bukhan. Mawlana Badr-i-

Special Features of Faytj ai-Barf
Faye} ai-Barf (ala $alJilJ al-Bukhari consists of four lengthy volume. Its special features are discussed hereunder:

1. Its first volume consists of a lengthy introduction, which deals with the biography of Shah $alJib and notes on al-isniid (chain of narrators) by Mawlana Mul)funmaQ Yiisuf Biniiri. It also includes a biography of Imam al-BukharL and the special characteristics of 14. Rizvi. Sayyid MliQbiib, Mukammal Tiirfkh Diir al- 'Vlum Deoband. Karachi. Kutub Khiinii Maktab-j- 'lIm wa Adab, n.d. Vol. 2, p. 141. 104

Imam al-Bukhari's /fadfth compilation and other related issues.

For example, the total number of A~adfth recorded in it, and under what conditions it was compiled, etc are discussed.

2. This work gives extensive coverage to Tarjumat al-Abwab in order to acquaint the reader with the relationship that exists between the headings of the chapters and the A~adfth contained in them.

3. The subject of (aqa'id (beliefs) is also discussed in great detail so as to impress upon the reader the need for one to have the correct belief as a Muslim.


4. The ruwat (narrators) are identified so that the reader may have an idea as to who they actually were. For example, the chain of narrators that appear in the very beginning of al-Jami' al-$a~f~ of Imam al-Bukhari are recorded thus:

"AI-I:Iumaydi (Abd Allah Ibn al-Zubayr reported on the authority of Sufyan who reported on the authority of YaQya Ibn Sa (Id alAn~an

IS .

who reported on the authority of

Fay4 al-Blirf, op.cit., p. 72.



Ibn IbrahIm

al-TayroI who said that he heard (Alqamah bin Waqqa~ al-Laythi say that he heard (Umar Ibn al-Khanab (r.a.) say from the pulpit. ....... ,,16 In FayeJ ai-Barf



al-Bukhari, al-

l:Iumaydi is identified as the teacher of Imam al-Bukhan whose name was in fact (Abd Allah Ibn al-Zubayr who died in 219 Hijrf. Sufyan is said to be the famous mUl}.addith (lfadfth scholar) Sufyan Ibn Uyaynah who was the student of Imam AQmad Ibn l:Ianbal. YaQya Ibn Sa (id al-An~ari is identified as the son al-Qays who died in 198 Hijrf and was the teacher of both Imams Abu l:Ianifah -(- 17 and A wza 1.

5. Certain omissions of Imam al-Bukhari are also highlighted. For example, it is pointed out that Imam al-Bukhari should have included under the chapter titled as


all the Al}.adfth that

pertain to siwak (brushing of the teeth with a tooth-brush in the form of a pencil from the root of a special type of tree known as the Arale tree). Imam al-BukharI, on the other hand, chose to include the Al}.adfth on siwak at two different places, namely in



Faytj ai-Blir;, op.cil., p. 176. Ibid. p. 177.


j....Q."JI'-;-l\;.S; (The Book of Ablution) and


(the Book of

Friday). 18

6. An effort has also been made to extrapolate a Jiqhf (legal) ruling, wherever possible, from some of the subjects that have been tackled in al-Jami< al-$al}fl} of Imiim al-BukharL For example, underj....Q.,J1 y\;.S; (Book on Ablution), there is a chapter which is entitle:

J~J.S~ 4.:




y4 (Chapter: To Recite "In the Name of

Allah" During Every Action ...


Commenting on whether it is

compulsory to mention the tasmiyyah (the Name of Allah) at the time of performing the ablution, it is mentioned that Shah $al}ib was of the view that it is not wajib (compulsory) to do so and that his view was in conformity with all the Imams of the Schools of Islamic Jurisprudence except Imam AlJrnad Ibn J:lanbal. Likewise, Shah $al}ib went further to explain that amongst the J:lanafi

scholars, only Ibn Humman, the author of Fatl} al-Qadfr, was of the view that the tasmiyyah (the Name of Allah) is a compulsory

::. Fay4 al·Bari. op.cil. . p. 344 . . Ibid. p. 243. 107

component for the ablution to become valid. Shah



inclined to believe that Imiim al-Bukhan also held that view.20

Shortcomings in Fay4- aI-Ban
The writer of this dissertation is of the view that while Fayq. ai-Barf
compilation of Imiim al-Bukharf, some of its shortcomings may be enumerated as follows:

1. It is in the Arabic language and this makes it inaccessible to the vast majority of lay Muslims. In other words, only Muslim scholars and others who have mastered the Arabic language may derive any benefit from it.

2. The original text of ai-Jamt ai-Sa~f~ of Imam al-Bukhari has not been included in Fayq. ai-Barf

Faytj aI-Barf. op.cit.. p. 243.












3. The author of Fayq. aI-Barf (ala Sa~f~ al-Bukharf has not included, in some instances, the full title of the chapters and this may result in the reader not being able to grasp the full import of the commentary. For example, on page 79 the title of the chapter is mentioned as: ~J........JI ~~ instead of: 21


Anwar aI-Barf Shar~


(ala Sa~f~ al-Bukharf

is yet another

commentary on al-Jamt al-sa~f~ of Imam al-Bukhari, but in the Urdu language. Like Fayq. aI-Barf (ala Sa~f~ al-Bukharf, it was compiled from the dictationsllecture notes of Shah salJib by another student of his, namely, Mawlana Sayyid Al.unad Ri<;l8. Sa~ib Bijnori.

Mawlana Sayyid




Fayrj ai-Bari. op.cit.. p. 79. 109


Bijnori was born in 1907 in

Bijnor, V.P., India. From 1923 to 1926 he enrolled at Dar al-
Deoband in order to specialize in lfadith under Shah $alJib. It was during that period that he came to be closely associated to his teacher.

After completing his studies at Dar al-
In 1929, Mawlana Sayyid Al,unad Ri<;la $al)ib Bijnori became involved with Majlis-i-
Shah $alJib. Mawlana Shabbir Al,unad
It was while Mawlana Sayyid Al,unad Ri<;la $al)ib Bijnori was staying in Dhabel that he wrote down the dictations of Shah $alJib on al-Jam(

al-$alJflJ of Imam al-Bukhari. The Urdu manuscript was handed over to Shah $alJib for it to be revised and was later published in 8 volumes by Maktab-i-Nashir al-
lIO SPECIAL FEATURES OF ANWAR AL-BARi SHARQ ~LA $AIJjIJ AL-BUKHARi 1. Its first volume consists of 240 pages. In its introduction, the history of the compilation of lfadith literature and the evolution of

(Scholars of lfadith) have also been included in the frrst volume. 3. It contains the biography of Imam al-Bukhari in its second volume. 4. Short biographies of the ruwat (reporters of lfadith) that appear in the isnad (chain of narrators) have been included in the second volume. 5. All A~adfth in the original Arabic text of al-Jami< of Imam alBukhari have been includencluded p 19 this work. Moreover, a literal

Urdu translation of these


making accessible to the layman.


have also been included,



$al}.fl}. Muslim was compiled by Imiim Abu l:lusayn Muslim Ibn al-

l:lajjaj Ibn Muslim al-QushayrI al-Nisapuri (d. 2611874) and forms part of al~$il}.al}. al-Sittah. It is ranked second to al~Jami< al~$al}.fl}. of Imiim al-BukharI.

Shah $al}.ib taught $al}.fl}. Muslim for several years at Dar al-
Deoband and it is important to note that a number of prominent Muslim scholars would travel all the way to Deoband in order to benefit from his lectures


$al}.fl}. Muslim. Mawlana


AJ:lsan GhilanI recorded Shah $al}.ib's dictationsllecture notes on $al}.fl}. Muslim.



AJ:lsan GhilanI was born in 1892 in Ghilan, Bihar,

India. He received his basic Islamic education from his uncle, ijakfm Sayyid Abu


In 1906, he travelled to Tong, Rajestan, India, to

study under Mawlana Barkat AQ.mad for a total period of 6 years. In 1913, he enrolled at Dar al-
AQrnad who was a lecturer at Dar al-


AJ:lsan GhiHinI to be employed as a lecturer at the

Osmania University in Hyderabad Deccan, India. After serving that institution for 25 years, he finally retired at Ghilan where he passed away on June 5, 1956.


According to Mawlana An+ar Shah, one of the sons of Shah $af;.ib, the entire commentary on $af;.ff;. Muslim in manuscript form, which was recorded by Mawlana Mana:?ir Al).san Ghilaru, from Shah $af;.ib' s dictationsllecture notes was misplaced and hence it was never published.




Sunan Abf Da'ad was compiled by Imam Abu Da'ud Ibn Sulayman Ibn aI-As (ath aI-SijistanI (d. 275/888). This work is also included in the category of al-$if;.iif;. al-Sittah. Imam Abu Da'ud scrutinized half a million Af;.iidith and finally selected only 4 800 to be included in his compilation of ijadfth.


Tiirikh Diir al- 'Ulum Deoband, op. cit., p. 120. Naqsh-i-Dawiim, op. cit., p. 107. lAo Siddiqi Mul)ammad Zubayr. !:fiiqi!1) Literature . Its Origin and Development and Special Features. Oxford. The Other Press. 1993. p. 61. 113 22 .




Shah $alJib taught Sunan Abf Da'ad at Dar al-
$alJib's dictationsllecture notes, which were in effect a commentary on Sunan Abr Da'ad in the Urdu language. Not much is known about

Mawlana $iddiq Najib Abadi. Mawlana Sayyid Alpnad Ri<;la $aQ.ib Bijnawri, the author of Anwar aI-Barf, lists Mawlana $iddiq Najib AbadI among the important students of Shah $alJib and also mentions that he was later appointed as Shaykh al-Jfadfth (expert in the field

Jfadfth) at Madrasah $iddfqiyah in Delhi, India, where he taught for many years.25

Once Mawlana $iddlq Najib AbadI was satisfied that he had recorded everything from the lectures of Shah $alJib on Sunan Abi Da'ad, he handed over the manuscript which spanned over one thousand pages for his perusal and requested him to revise it. Shah $alJib suggested certain corrections and gave his approval for it to be published. However, it was published in two volumes only after the demise of

Shah $alJib, with additional notes from the pen of Mawlana Shabbir


Anwar al·Barf, op. cit, p. 260.


Abf Da' iid. It is important to point out here that this published work became obsolete and is not available in any library nor can any of its copies be found in the private collection of anyone.26

The writer of this dissertation met Mawlana Anzar Shah, the son of

Shah $al;,ib, who was on a visit in Durban, South Africa, in December 1997 and informed him that he had in his possession notes of his father on the commentary of Sunan Abi Da'ad in the Urdu language and would one day publish them. However, to date this task has not been accomplished.



Sunan al-Tirmidhl is also included in the category of al-$il;,al;, alSittah and was compiled by Imam Abu
26 .

Naqsh-i-Dawam, op. cit, p. 207. 115

Sunan al-Tirmidhl was introduced in the curriculum of Dar al- (Ulum Deoband during the period when Shah $alJib was one of its lecturing staff. Shah $alJib researched this work thoroughly and during the course of lecturing on it, he expounded on the AlJiidlth which were incorporated in Sunan al-Tirmidhl. He also drew the attention of his students to many other commentaries on Sunan al-Tirmidhl.



AI- (Art al-Shadhl is a commentary on Sunan al-Tirmidhl. It was compiled by Mawlana Chiragh $alJib from the dictations/discourse of

Shah $alJib. Mawlana Chiragh $alJib studied under Shah $alJib at Dar al- (Ulum Deoband. After completing his studies in 1918, he took up a teaching post in Gujranwala, Punjab (present day Pakistan) and later established an institute of higher Islamic learning in Gujranwala. Details on the life of Mawlana Chiragh $alJib are not available.

Shah $alJib did not have the opportunity to revise the manuscript which was later published in two volumes and titled as al -(Art al-

Shadhl. In its introduction, Mawlana Chiragh $alJib mentions the

17. lfii4f!~ Literature , Its Origin and Development and Special Features, op. cit., p. 304. 116

difficulty he had in the process of compiling this work. For example, it is stated that Shah $alJib dictated his lectures in the Urdu language and he chose to compile these lectures in the Arabic language. He, therefore, admits that the work was not devoid of shortcomings and that he, and not Shah $alJib, is responsible for any discrepancies in the

It is unfortunate, however, that despite the fact that Mawlana Chiragh $alJib took full responsibility for any shortcomings in arArf alShadhf, Mawlana (Abd al-Ra1)man Mubarakpuri in his commentary on Sunan al-Tirmidhf, namely TulJfat al-AlJwadhf SharlJ al-Tirmidhf, highlighted the errors in al ~rf al-Shadhf and attributed them to Shah



The writer of this dissertation is of the view that such an

accusation casts a slur on Shah


teaching capabilities,

insinuating that he committed errors during the course of his lectures and misguided his students. It seems that Mawlana (Abd al-Ral:lman Mubarakpuri did not carefully read the introduction al~rf al-

Shadhf in which Mawlana Chiragh $a~ib exonerated Shah $a~ib from any shortcomings in that work.

18. 19.

Chiriigh, Mu~ammad. AI- 'A if al-Shadhi. Hakim Sa'id, n .d., p. 2. Ibid, p. 2 .. 117


This work is also a commentary on al-Jamt al-Tirmidhf and was compiled by another student of Shah $alJib, namely, ~llamah Sayyid Mul}.ammad Yiisuf BiniirI.

/fadfth under Shah $alJib. In 1927 when Shah $alJib moved to Dhabel he also moved there in order to continue to benefit from the expertise of his teacher in the field of the Science of /fadfth. During the period he spent as a student of Shah $alJib he recorded dictations of his teacher which were in the form of a commentary on Sunan al-

Tirmidhf. But it was only after Shah $alJib's demise that he felt the need to have this commentary published under the title Ma
Sunan.Y> This work is in six volumes and was published in 1963 by al-Maktabah al-Binniirf in the Arabic language.


Biniiri, Muhammad Yusuf. Ma'ari! al-Sunnah. Karachi. Maktab-i-Biniirl. 1993, p. 48 118

In its introduction, ~llamah Sayyid MUQammad Yiisuf Biniir1 mentions that one of the reasons which prompted him to publish

Ma (arij al-Sunan was the fact that the errors in Mawlana Chiragh salJ,ib's al (Ar! al-Shadhi had wrongfully been attributed to Shah salJ,ib. He, therefore, felt the need to rectify this in Ma (arij al-Sunan which was also compiled from Shah $alJ,ib's dictations on Sun an al-

J.zrmz'dh-l. 31


The special features of Ma (arij al-Sunan are as follows:

1. Like in Fayq. aI-Barf, an effort has been made to expound the

legal rulings of the different jurists based on the AlJ,adfth. For example, in regard to Tayyamum (purifying oneself with pure dust or sand), Imams Al)mad, ISQaq and Awza (I hold the view that one should only strike the dust or sand with the palms of the hand once and rub them over the face and hands. Imams Abii l:Ian1fah, Malik, al-Thawr1 and al -Shafi (Ion the other hand held that one should strike one's palms twice on the dust or sand. After the first strike the palms should be rubbed over

) 1,

Ma 'arija/.Sunnah. op. cit., p. 47. 119

the hands and after the second strike the palms should be rubbed over the face.


2. The ruwat (reporters) of the


are identified so that the

readers may have an idea as to who they actually were. Shah $a~ib went a step further and mentioned the opinions of the scholars of the Science of lfadlth on the veracity of such reporters. For example, it is pointed out that Imam Malik Ibn Anas was of the view that the reporter by the name of MuQammad Ibn ISQaq was not reliable, while according to Shu (bah and MUQammad Ibn alMubarak he was regarded to be reliable. 33

3. All the sources that Shah


cited during his discourses have

been included in this work.

4. Wherever a specific issue is discussed like the question of the audible or inaudible recitation of Surat


(the Opening

Chapter of the Holy Qur'an) while one is following the Imam in

)2 . Ma 'arif al-Sunnah, op. cit., p.476. )). Ibid, p. 96.


the congregational obligatory prayers, Shah sal;.ib's published work on the subject has been summarized and included in it.

5. Shah sal;.ib came up with a unique classification of


(authentic) Al;.adfth. He classified them under four categories: 1.

If the reporters are just, of good memory and pious then the

Al;.adfth reported by them would be the most authentic. 11.

This was be followed by those AJ;adfth on which there is agreement among the scholars of lJadfth that they are authentic.


Then would come those Al;.adfth which are held by some scholars, namely, Ibn Khuzaymah, Ibn Hibban and Ibn (Awanah, to be authentic.


Finally, all those AJ;adfth which have not been criticized, reported by trustworthy reporters and accepted by the classical scholars of lJadfth to be authentic.

Shortcomings in Ma (ari! al-Sunan

1. It is written in the Arabic language and hence the bulk of lay Muslims are in no position to benefit from it. Moreover, even 121

Muslim scholars find this work to be cumbersome to comprehend since at many places Arabic poetry have been included.

2. At many places, the work does not cite the exact references that one ought to consult. For example, the reader is told to refer to BalJr al-Ra'iq or Radd al-MulJtar without citing the volume and

page that the reader should consult in these two works.

3. A bias is shown towards the ijanafi School of Islamic Jurisprudence. This can clearly be deduced from the fact that after the opinions of the other Schools of Islamic Jurisprudence are cited on a particular legal issue, the AlJadfth which support the I:Ianafi view are then brought forth in the discussion in order to strengthen the I:Janafi position.



When one peruses through the works on lJadfth, especially those which deal with legal matters, one is bound to find out that there is a dearth of such works that propound the ijanafi stance. For example, Imam Malik Ibn Anas's al-Muwarta' is an exposition of the Malila 122

School of Jurisprudence while Irniim AQmad Ibn J:lanbal's Musnad is an exposition of the J:lanbali School of Jurisprudence. These works were and continue to be taught in all Dar al- (Ulums in the Indo-Pak Subcontinent. 34 Thus Mawlana Zakir al-J:lasan Shawq Nimwi, a research scholar in Bihar, India, felt the need to compile a work on the legal stance of the J:lanafi School based on the



manuscript was then handed over to Mawlana MaI:uniid al-J:lasan to rei vise it, but he in turn requested his student, namely Shah



revise the manuscript of Mawlana Zilir al-J:lasan Shawq Nimwi. Shah


obliged and he suggested certain alterations and additions.

The manuscript was then published in two volumes under the title Athar al-Sunan with an introduction by Shah $a~ib. 35

After the work was published, Shah


penned a commentary on

this work. He handed over the manuscript to Mawlana Mul)ammad Mia of the Waterval Islamic Institute in South Africa for it to be published. This has not as yet been accomplished. However, Mawlana Mul)ammad Mia made several copies of Shah $a~ib' s handwritten

34 .


Naqsh-i-Dawam, op. cit. , p. 308. Ibid, p. 309. 123

manuscript while he was in London and distributed them to the various scholars and libraries in India. 36


Naqsh. j.Da lVam, op. cit., p. 310.


Chapter Five SHAH SAQIB'S UNIQUE STANCE ON CERTAIN ISSUES Shah $alJib spent his entire life in teaching and in the service of the din (religion) of Islam. His scholarship brought about far reaching impact on Islamic scholarship and left an indelible mark upon students and scholars alike.

As a scholar, Shah $alJib was well versed in practically all the related Islamic sciences. On several matters, he held his own personal views based on academic arguments. In this chapter, an attempt is made to extrapolate his singular views on certain issues which are still relevant to our contemporary time. I have selected a few examples to demonstrate the uniqueness of his academic and intellectual endeavour.

s. 1


Muslims believe that Allah (SWT) is the Creator and chose to guide mankind from time to time by sending down Prophets (a.s.) in every age and era and revealed to them fIis guidance and commandments.


The act of sending down the Divine Message came to its finality when the Holy Qur'iin was revealed to the Prophet MUQammad (s.a.w.s.).

It must be conceded that no other book in the world, besides the Holy Qur'iin, enjoys so much reverence and attention. Thousands of

Muslims throughout the centuries have and


to memorize it.

The Holy Qur'iin is not only recognized as the first primary source of Islam, but it formed the basis from which several Islamic sciences evolved. Some of these sciences are rhetorics and grammar, jurisprudence, exegesis, Islamic historiography, etc.

From the time that the Holy Qur'iin was revealed, the first generation of Muslims sought explanations of the Qur' anic verses froni the Prophet MUQammad (sa.w.s.) so that they could implement and practice upon what was being revealed. Prophet


were preserved


The explanations of the disseminated and


explanations of the revelations led to the founding of the science of tafsir (exegesis).

Over the years, tafsir al- Qur'iin became a specialized science and volumes have been written and continue to be written with the aim of 126

elucidating the Divine Message from various academic and points of view. Shah $alJib too, besides teaching tafsfr al- Qur'an at Dar al(Ulum Deoband, wrote down an exegesis of the Holy Qur'an with the

particular aim of explaining some of the verses which were generally regarded to be difficult to understand and thus appropriately entitled his exegesis Mushkilat al-Qur'an (Difficulties in the Qur'an).


Ahl al-Kitab (The People of the Book)

The Holy Qur'an states:

This day are all things good and pure made lawful unto you. The food of the People of the Book is lawful unto you and yours is lawful unto them. (Lawful unto you in marriage) are (not only) chaste women who are believers, but chaste women among the People of the Book.... (Al-Ma'idah , 5:5)

From the above, it is generally . accepted that the Jews and the Christians are the People of the Book. Shah $alJib explains that all 127

people who joined the religions of the Jews and Christians prior to the time when the revelation came down to the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) would all be considered to belong to the People of the Book. Shah $alJib goes on further and states that he subscribes to the view of Sayyiduna (Ali (r.a.) and Sayyiduna (Abd Allah Ibn Mas

Al-Niisikh wal al-Mansiikh (Abrogation of Qur'anic Verses

The Divine Relevation that came in the form of the Holy Qur'an covers a variety of subjects. It spells out what constitutes al-Iman (Fundamental Islamic Beliefs), gives an account of the various Prophets (a.s.), describes eschatology, and propounds specific legal


Mushkiliil al-Qur 'iin, op. cit. , p. 210.


injunctions, etc. These injunctions are tenned as aIJkiim (sing. IJukm). While the Islamic religious creed has remained unchanged, some of the legal injunctions were revealed in stages. This was to facilitate first addressees of the Holy Qur'an, namely the reverts to Islam from among the people who resided in Makkah and Madinah during the time of the Prophet MUQammad (s.a.w.s.), to implement these stipulations gradually. This led to the question as to whether some of the earlier legal rulings had in fact been abrogated by those that were revealed later. Or whether there is in fact any contradiction between the earlier and later revelation and if there appears to be a contradiction, any reconciliation can take place between the earlier and later revelations. These inter related questions and discussions led to the development of a whole Qur'anic Science of Abrogation (Al-Nasikh wa al-Mansukh) as one of the major Qur' anic Sciences.

Difference of opinions exist among scholars as to whether some verses of the Holy Qur'an had in fact been abrogated and hence if that was the case then their rulings would no longer be applicable. A well known scholar of the Holy Qur'an, namely, ~llamah JaHil aI-Din alSuyii~i

(d. 1502) mentions in his al·ltqan that there are in all twenty-


one abrogated verses in the Holy Qur'an2, while Shah Wall Allah of Dehli restricts the number to five only.3

Shah $al}ib, on the other hand, differs from both points of view and maintains that none of the verses of the Holy Qur'an had in fact been abrogated. He explains that a legal stipulation of the Holy Qur'an may have been applicable at a particular period in time, but subsequently another express stipulation was revealed, not to cancel the previous injunction, but to exhort the believers to implement the new injunction henceforth. Thus, it would be wrong to deem that the previous injunction had been abrogated by the latter injunction for that would imply that the previous injunction ought to be removed from the text of the Holy Qur'an altogether. For example, the prohibition of the intake of khamr (intoxicants) was not effected all at once. The stipulations in this regard are as follows:

They ask you concerning intoxicants and gambling. Say: "in them is a a great sin, and some profit for humankind; but the sin is greater than the profit." (AI-Baqarah, 2: 219)

Al-$uYU!l. JaHi.l ai-Din. Al-Itqanfi 'Ulilm al-Qur'an. Beirut. Maktab aI-Thaqafiyah. 1973. p. 20. DehJawi. Shah Wali Allah. Al-Fawz al-Kabfr fl U~Ul al-TaJsfr. Karachi. Nur Mui}arnmad Tijarat Khana. n.d.• p.p. 37-43. 130



Oh you who believe! Approach not prayers with a mind befogged, until you can understand all that you say. (Al-Nisa ', 4:43)

Oh you


believe! Intoxicants

and gambling,

(dedication of) stones, and (divination by) arrows, are an abomination

of Satan's handiwork:



(abomination) that you may prosper. (AI-Ma'idah, 5:93)

Inferring from the standpoint of Shah


on the issue of nasikh and

mans akh , one can safely say that the first two verses quoted above were not in reality abrogated by the third one. However, there is no doubt that the third injunction banned Muslims from the intake of intoxicants. The first two verses continue to be relevant to this day.


(11m al-lJadith (The Science of lJadith)

lfadlth is recognized as the second primary source of Islam. It constitutes the sayings, practices aI)d tacit approval or disapproval of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.). lfadlth literature is the richest source for the 131

early Islamic history too. It provides us an insight into the legal, cultural and religious norms that prevailed during the era of the first generation of Muslims.

The Mul;.addithun (scholars of ijadfth) laid great emphasis upon

tawatur al-isnad (continuity of the chain of authorities) reporting the ijadfth. This signifies that the continuity of the chain must be preserved, which implies the completeness of the chain of transmitters all the way back to the final authority i.e. the Prophet (s.a.w.s.).

Tawiitur al-isnad signifies that the 1:H'idith would be categorized as $al;.fl;. (authentic). Shah $al;.ib too stressed the importance of tawiitur al-isnad in determining the degree of the veracity of the Al;.adfth. Credit goes to him for formulating three more categories of tawa{ur (continuity) which may not necessarily be dependent on {awatur al-

isnad for ascertaining the validity of certain religious matter. They are as follows:


1. Tawatur al-Tabaqah (continuity based upon the transmission of a generation) implies that any important matter pertaining to Dfn (religion) of Islam which had been handed down from ' . Naqsh-i-Dawiim, op. cit. , p. 388. 132

the time of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) and there after from generation to generation is sufficient ground for accepting its validity. For example, by virtue of the fact that Muslims have memorized the entire Holy Qur'an from generation to generation and thus accept all the verses to be the verbatim word of Allah (SWT) , there is thus no need to find an isnad for each verse in order to ascertain its authenticity. It is an established fact from tawatur al-tabaqah that the entire Holy Qur'an is the exact Divine Message that was revealed to the

Prophet (s.a.w.s.), hence its authencity.

2. Tawatur al- <.4mal wa al-Tawaruth (continuity of action and

legacy) signifies that any ruling of the Shar(ah which has been handed down to us from

the $alJabah


(Companions of the Prophet -s.a.w.s.) is sufficient to be accepted as authentic. For example, the lifting of the hands being restricted to al-takbfr ai-ala while in


This was

upheld and has been practiced for a long period of time from the era of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.). Hence, it would be a futile


exercise to refute this practice and try to find the isnad before upholding this practice.

3. Tawatur al-Qadr al-Mushtarak (continuity of common

element in the transmission). For example, a khabr wa~id (a Jfadfth reported by a single narrator), about the mu Jizat

(miracles) performed by the Prophet (s.a.w.s.), came to be supported by other khabr wa~id. These reports would then constitute what Shah $a~ib termed as tawatur al-Qadr alMushtarak







transmission) and would thus be regarded in his view as authentic and have not been negated, nor refuted as spurious.






who was well grounded in Islamic Jurisprudence, was a

staunch follower of the Jfanafi School, but he disliked the idea of giving preference to one school over another. Hence, he was of the view that all the four Sunnf Schools of Islamic Jurisprudence are valid and Muslims who follow any of these schools are on the right course.


Naqsh.l-Dawiim, op. cit., p. 389. 134

The difference of oplruons that exist among these schools are, according to Shah salJib, primarily linked to the details (al-juru<) and not to the fundamentals. Thus, he cautioned the Muslims not to stir friction and disunity amongst their rank and file on the basis of their allegiance to a particular school.

Shah salJib's legal opinions on various matters did not always conform to the opinions of his peers, but interestingly, his peers did not oppose his view and admired his insight and did not challenge him.


India as Dar al-lf.arb (Abode of War) or Dar al-Amn (Abode of Peace)?

India, during the period in which Shah salJib lived, was wrought with political instability and a state of insecurity prevailed. This could be attributed to the war of independence and the independence movement against the British occupation of India.

In the midst of all these developments, Shah salJib was also approached to shed light on this pertinent issue that was hotly being debated among the Muslims scholars, namely, whether India was Dar 135

al-lfarb or Dar al-Amn. The debate revolved on whether India was to be regarded as a country in which Muslims did not enjoy any form of religious freedom. Were the Indian Muslims justified to regard India as an abode of war? Or was India a country in which Muslims were given security and protection, with freedom of religion in matters pertaining to the
Mawlana ShabbIr Al;lmad
Shah $alJib was of the view that India was a Dar al-lfarb i.e. a country ruled and controlled by non-Muslims. Its laws and political structures were not based on the Sharr

Tarikh Dar a/-'U/um Deoband, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 83. 136

Indian Penal Code. 7 Thus, Muslims were not allowed to implement the SharZ


The taking and giving of interest (ribii transaction)

According to the SharZ
Oh you who believe! Do not devour one another's possessions wrongfully (through riba and other forms of fraudulent transactions). Rather let there be amongst you trade based on mutual goodwill.

In the lJadfth, it is is repby Sayyiduna

(AI-Nisa', 4:29)

Ja:bir (r.a.) that:

The Messenger of Allah (s.a.w.s.) cursed the one who takes (Le. consumes) riba, the one who gives (i.e. pays)

'. Doi, Abdur Rahman I. Shariah The Islamic Law. England. Delux Press. 1984, p. 451. 137

riba, the one who records the transaction, and the two witnesses thereof. He said: They are all equally guilty.s

There is also reference made to the abolition of interest in the Farewell Sermon (al-Khutbat al-Wadacah) of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.).

However, there always remained difference of opinions amongst Muslim jurists as to whether it was permissible for Muslims who reside in Dar al-lJarb and indulge in interest transactions with non-Muslims. The l:Ianbali, Shafi (1 and MalikI Schools forbid Muslims to give and take interest even if they reside in a non-Islamic state. It is also the 9

unanimous view of the Hanafi School that it is also forbidden. But, despite the fact that Shah


belonged to the Hanafi School, he held

the view that it was permissible for Muslims to give and take interest when they were involved in any form of transaction with nonMuslims.


Shah $a~ib based his view on a lJadith reported by

Sayyiduna Makhiil (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allah (s.a.w.s.) said:

'. Al-Tabrizi, WaH ai-Din 'Abd Allah. Mishkiit al·Ma~iibi~. Karachi. A~al) al·Ma!libi', n.d.. Bab alRibli. p. 244. 9. Malfu'{.iit Mu~ddith· i·Kashmfrf, op. cit., p. 170. 10. Ibid, p. 156. 138

There is interest between a lJarbi (Le. a non-Muslim who is hostile to Muslims) and a Muslim.11

Today, many Muslim jurists allow interest transactions in a country ruled by non-Muslims.


Tark Al-Muwlilah (Abandoning Cooperation with British Colonial Power) th

At a meeting held in Bombay on 28 December 1885, which was presided over by Mr. W.C. Bannerjee, the Indian National Congress was established as a political party. It constituted of 73 representatives, out of whom 54 were Hindus and only 2 were Muslims with the 12 remainder being Parsis and Jains. It thus had representatives from all the religious denominations, even though in essence it was predominantly controlled and headed by Hindus under the leadership of Mahatma Ghandi (1947).13

The Muslim League was founded in 1906 at a meeting that was held in Dacca (the current capital of Bangladesh). 26 young Muslim educated ". Ibn Humiim, Kamal ai-Din Mu~ammad Ibn 'Abd al-Wal.tid. SharlJ. FatlJ. ai-Qadir. Egypt. Shari kat Matktabah wa Matba[ah, n.d., Vol. 7, p. 38. :;.The New Encyclopaedia Britannica. Chicago. Hemingway Benton. 1973. Vol. 9, p. 412. . Ibid, p. 413. 139

elite attended that meeting which was chaired by the Sul~an Sir MUQammad Shah (Agha Khan III) (d. 1957) - the grandfather of the present Prince Karim Agha Khan. The Muslim League was coincidental an exclusively Muslim political party .14

The primary aim of both these parties were to oust the British from India, but had different political agendas. The Indian National Congress wanted India to secure independence from Great Britain and its affairs to be entrusted to Indians, irrespective of their religious affiliations. The Muslim League, on the other hand, later called for the creation of a separate Muslim state that would comprise all such provinces in India which had a majority of Muslims residing in them.

During the early 1900s, the Muslim masses in India sought guidance from the Muslim scholars to enlighten them as to whether it was permissible for them to befriend and co-operate with the Hindus and Sikhs and others who were against the British occupation of India and were striving for India to secure the independence of India.

,•. The New Encyclopaedia Britannica. op. cit., p. 414. 140

Shah $aJ;,ib was the very first
From the above, one may deduce that Shah $aJ;,ib made no distinction between tark al-muwalah and al-mu
::. MalJuzat MuIJaddith.i·Kashmfrf, op. cit., p. 297 . . Ibid, p. 166. 141



Islam recognizes the fact that the rights and responsibilities of women are equal to those of men, but not necessarily identical with them. Humankind is not created identical but they are created equals. Insofar as the rights and obligations of women are concerned, despite the fact that Islamic law has the capacity to adapt itself and to develop according to circumstances, the so called liberty and freedom which non-Muslim women enjoy is totally alien to the teachings of Islam. In reality Muslim males and females do not enjoy absolute liberty or freedom because they are bound by the dictates of the Sharrtah. However, it may be apt to mention here that foreign cultural pressure played a decisive role in influencing Muslims to suppress their women, even to the extent of denying them their right to be educated. During the lifetime of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.), and even in contemporary time, certain rules pertaining to women were discussed. Shah Sahib also addressed some issues which are discussed hereunder:


Veiling the Face of a Woman

Muslim scholars have from time to time iscussed in their writing the


question of veiling of the face of a Muslim woman. The issue whether the face of a woman forms part of the (awrah (to be kept covered). Some scholars hold that the face does not constitute a part of the

(awrah and base their stance on the fact that a Muslim woman is not obliged to cover her face when engaged in Salah, nor when performing the rites of lJajj (the Pilgrimage). They base their stance on the lJadfth in which the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) addressed Sayyidatuna Asma' (r.a.) saymg:

When a girl reaches the age of puberty, nothing should be seen of her except this and this, pointing to the face and hands. 17

Some others contend that although the face of a Muslim woman is not included as (awrah, it would be prudent on her part to cover her face in order to protect herself from the gazes of strange men.

There are yet other scholars like Mufti (Abd al-Ral:1Im Lajpuri (d. 2001) who are of the view that the face and hands of a Muslim woman must be covered in pUblic. Thus, .subscribing to the view that it is


Sunan AM Do 'ad, op. cit. Vol. 2, p. 172.


mandatory for Muslim women to observe the purdah (lJijiib) at all times when they come out in public. 18 They .base their stance on the following verse of the Holy Qur'iin:

And when they ask (his wives i.e. the wives of the Prophet), ask them from behind a curtain: that makes greater purity (Al-lfujuriit, 33:53)

for your hearts andfor theirs.

They also strengthen their position on the basis of the following lfadrth:

A woman who lost her son in a battle, covered herself fully, and came to the Messenger of Allah (s.a.w.s.) to inquire about her son. Those who were present asked her as to why she did not unveil herself at that time of distress. She replied, "I have lost my son and not my honour. ,,1 9

Majority of the
I:. Lajpuri. Abdur Rahim. Fatiiwii Ral)imiyyah. Rander. Maktab-I-Rahimyyah. Vol. 1. p. 25 . 1•

Ibid. p. 26.



Shah sa~ib too expressed his view on this matter and he departed from

the position of the leading ulama' of the Indo-Pak Subcontinent. He held that it was permissible for a Muslim woman not to cover her face in front of strangers as long as she was confident that she was safe from any form of abuse. Likewise, it was perfectly in order for her to look at a male stranger when it was necessary for her to do



writer of this dissertation feels that it was not an omission on the part of Shah


not to back his view by an argument. Shah



fully aware of all relevant issues and arguments in this regard which were discussed by early and contemporary jurists. He was also aware of all the Qur' anic verses and lfadith pertaining to this issue. He merely expressed his view which was respected by his contemporaries by the weight of his knowledge and piety. What is important is that even though he did not advance argument for his view on the covering of the face, he expressed a clear view that the covering of the face was not obligatory, but it was an option for a woman which she may exercise as she wishes.


Malfui,ot Mu~addith· i·Kashmfrf. op. cit.. p. 263. 145


Dissolution of the Marriage of A Woman Whose Husband is Lost

There is no denying that fact that Shah $a~ib was an ardent follower and muqallid of the J:lanafi School of Islamic Jurisprudence. He advocated that rulings from any of the four Sunnf Schools of Islamic Jurisprudence could be sought whenever there arises a need to do so.

Imiim Abu J:lanifah maintains that the marriage of a woman whose husband's whereabouts are unknown cannot be annulled until he has attained 120 years from the day of his birth. Imam Abu Yusuf, the disciple of Imiim Abu J:lanlfah, holds the view that the marriage of the woman whose husband has been lost could only be annulled after her husband's age would have reached 100 years. 21 Shah $a~ib, taking into consideration of the difficulty for a woman to wait indefinitely for the return of her husband who has mysteriously disappeared, suggested that it was within her rights to request that her marriage be annulled after the lapse of four years since the disappearance of her husband. This is based on the Malila School's ruling. 22

AI-Yamani, Abu Bakr Ibn 'Ali Ibn MuQammad. Al-lawharat al-Nayyarah 'ala Mukhla~ar alf/udari. Multan, Pakistan. Makatabat Imdiidiyyah, n.d., vol. 2, p. 51 . . Malfu~al MulJ.addith-i-Kashmiri, op. cit., p. 225.

I I.



The Validity of the Marriage of a Girl without the Permission of Her Parents or Guardian

Alliih (SWT) created men and women and enjoined upon them to

marry so that they may find peace, comfort and happiness in each other and also to procreate. The Shar(ah prescribes severe punishments for the sexual relations outside marriage. The family is considered to be the nucleus of society and illegitimate sexual relations destroys the foundation of society. That is why we find that the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) urged the young Muslims to marry saying:

Oh assembly of youth! If any of you can afford to marry should do so for it assists one to lower his gaze and safeguards one's chastity.23

Marriage is thus considered to be a solenm covenant or contractual agreement between the husband and wife. Imams Malik, Ahmad Ibn l:Ianbal and al-ShMi 1 were of the view that a (virgin) girl could not enter into a contract of marriage without the permission of her parents or guardian. If she did so then her nikiif; (marriage) would


Mishkiit al·Ma~iibil;, op. cit.. Kitlib aJ-Niklil), p. 267. 147

be regarded as null and void.24 They base their stance on the ljadfth reported by Sayyidatuna
The Messenger of Allah (s.a.w.s.) said, "If any woman marries without the permission of her guardian, the nikah is ba!il (null and void).2S

Imam Abu l:IanIfah, on the other hand, was of the view that a girl may marry without the permission of her guardian. Hence, if there is dissension between her and her guardian on that issue, then her view would be given preference over that of her guardian. The l:Ianafi stance is based on the /fadfth in which the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) placed the right of choice of husband in the hands of the woman.26

Shah Sa~ib had his own unique view on the issue in question. After

studying the relevant Ahadfth, he concluded that both the guardian and the girl must be unanimous on the issue of marriage. He was of the view that since her parents/guardian were aware of her likes and dislikes they would be in a position to chose an appropriate match for


15. 26.

Shariah The Islamic Law, op. cit., p. 140. Mishkiit al-Ma~iibi/:l, op. cit.. Kitab a1-Nikiil:t, p. 267. Shariah The Islamic Law, op. cit., p. 14l. 148

her. But, the girl should also have the say in the matter of her impending marriage. She has the right to choose her own marriage partner, but she should disclose her choice to her guardian in order to seek his approval for her choice. Shah $ii~ib does not deny the fact that she may be in a position to find her own husband, but feels that she requires guidance while making this great decision in life. Hence, Shiih $ii~ib's

position on the issue in question is that the girl and her

guardian should be in agreement about the person who would be marrying her daughter. In the same way the girl ought to give her consent to the choice of a partner whom her guardian has chosen for her.27

From the above discussion, it is apparent that Shiih


is trying to

reconcile between the two opposing views. He does not negate the guardian's authority, but affirms it. Insofar as the girl's consent is concerned that is not in dispute at all. Shiih $ii~ib is in effect binding the girl's consent with that of the guardian which makes it even more difficult. Contemporary legal ruling is that a girl may contract her marriage on her own and does not have to seek the approval of her


Naqsh. j.Dawiim, op. cit., p. 403. 149

guardian. However, in the view of the writer of this dissertation it seems that it was Shah $alJib's advice and not a legal ruling. He was fully aware of the fact that the girl's consent was entrenched any way. The dispute was in regard to the guardian's authority.


A Woman Travelling for lJajj without a MalJ,ram (A Male Relative with whom Marriage is not Allowed)

The !fajj (Pilgrimage to Makkah) is the fifth pillar of Islam. It is an obligation that all Muslims, males and females, who possess financially capacity, to fulfil this obligation at least once in their lifetime. The Holy Qur'an states the following in this regard:

Pilgrimage thereto is a duty men owe to Allah, - those who can afford the journey, but

if any deny faith,


stands not in need of any of His creatures.

(11l- (Imran, 3:97)

The question which arises is if a Muslim woman has the means to undertake the pilgrimage, can she travel on her own without being accompanied by a malJram (a male relative who cannot legally marry her)? The majority l:Ianafi view is that she may not undertake the 150

journey and that the availability of a mal;ram to accompany her is one of the prerequisites to her undertaking the journey for the Pilgrimage. Hence, if no mal;ram is available, then she is exempted from performing the Pilgrimage. There are other scholars who hold that a woman who has the means to perform the Pilgrimage may do so accompanied by other pious women as long as there is no fear that any harm will befall her.

Shah $al;ib's view on the issue in question does not conform to the majority l:Ianafi position. He points out that he does not agree with

Imiim al-Tal)awi who was of the view that a woman may not undertake any journey, including the journey to perform the Pilgrimage, if she cannot find a mal;ram to accompany her.28 Imiim al-Tal)awi was of the view that a Muslim woman may not undertake any journey without being accompanied by a mal;ram for her own security. However, this restriction could not be applied for the fulfilment of the obligation of Pilgrimage. Thus, in Shah $al;ib's view, it would not be correct to prevent the woman to undertake the journey to perform the Pilgrimage simply on the non-availability of a mal;ram to accompany her. He • 21.

Malfu~jjt Mu~addith-i-Kashmiri, op. cit., p. 225.


suggested that a distinction ought to be made between undertaking an ordinary journey and one for the fulfilment of an obligation (i.e. the Pilgrimage). In order to lend support to his stance, Shah Sa~ib points out that Imiim al-Tirmidhi included the Jf.adfth preventing the woman from undertaking a journey on her own (i.e. without a


in his

Sunan only in the chapter Kitab al-Rida ( The Book of Consent) and not in the chapter which deals with Jf.ajj. This is sufficient proof that for the purpose of Pilgrimage, she may travel without being accompanied by a




further points out that he was

aware that Imam al-Bukhan, in his al-Jami


has included the

Jf.adfth that prevents a woman from travelling without a ma~ram in the chapter that deals with Jf.ajj. But that particular Jf.adfth is quoted in the context of undertaking the journey for the performance of a nafil Jf.ajj (supererogatory Pilgrimage) and not for the fart! Jf.ajj (the obligatory Pilgrimage). Thus, according to Shah Sa~ib, a Muslim woman may undertake the journey to perform Jf.ajj without a ma~ram, but this issue remains unresolved to this day.



Muslim Women Performing Salah in the Masjid

The vast majority of the Indo-Pak


did not go along with the majority view of the Indo-Pak


in the masjid. He

also states that there are categorical pronouncements of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) that none should prevent Muslim women from attending the

masjid. 30 The Prophet (s.a.w.s.) went further and even admonished the husband not to prevent his wife from attending the masjid. 31

Mishkat al.Ma~abi~, op. cit.. Kitab al·~alah, p. 97. Al-Bukhari, MUQammad Isma 'il. AI·Jami' al·$a~i~. Kitab al-$alah. Karachi. Asah al.Matabi '. Vol. I, p. 119. . . 3'. Mishkat al.Ma~abi~, op. cit.. Kitab al·~alah, p. 97. 19.



Shah $alJib further points out that although it is mentioned in the Jfadfth that Muslim women who pray at home would receive equal

reward as Muslim men who attend the congregational prayer in the masjid, this is no ground for preventing them from attending the

masjid. Thus, Shah $alJib was of the opinion that Muslim women could not be forced to offer their


at home. At most, she can only be

encouraged to do so. In the books of Islamic Jurisprudence, there are specific stipulations where the women must stand while performing the congregational prayers in the Mosque. Hence, to attend the congregational prayers in the Mosque is not an obligation for women, unlike men. It is an option which she can exercise.



The giving of Zakah is compulsory upon all Muslims who possess what is known as the ni~ab (a prescribed minimum cash or kind on which Zakah is payable). The Holy Qur/an stipulate of people who are entitled to receive Zakah. It states:


Verily the $adaqat (Zakat) should be given to the poor, the needy, those employed to collect it (and administer it), for those whose hearts have an inclination towards Islam, for those in bondage, those in debt, and for the wayfarers. This is what Allah has made compulsory that the above beneficiaries should get). For Allah is All-Wise, AllKnowing. (Al-Tawbah, 9:60).

In the above citation, no mention is made of the Sayyid as being one of the legitimate beneficiary of Zakah. During the time of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) the Ahl al-Bayt (i.e. the family of the Prophet - s.a.w.s.) received a stipend from the Bayt aI-Mal (The Public Treasury). The Prophet (s.a.w.s.) and al-Khulafa' al-Rashidun (Pious Caliphs) did not set a precedent for the descendant of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.) to be a beneficiary of Zakah. Muslim jurists unanimously hold that a Sayyid cannot receive Zakah based on the above and the following Jfadfth:

The Prophet (s.a.w.s.) said: Zakah is the filth of the people. It is not permissible for Muhammad and his family.32

n. Mishklit al·Ma~libi~, op. cit. Bab Man La TaJ:tillu Lahu $adaqah, vol. 1, p. 161. 155

Shah $alJ.ib reflected upon the issue in question and came to the conclusion that the Sayyid may receive Zakah ~n view of the fact the

Bayt ai-Mal does not exist and it is very difficult for the Sayyid who is poor to make ends meet. He does not elaborate on the issue, but puts forth the argument that it is better and more honourable for the Sayyid to receive the Zakah than to go around begging.



The influence of the western world was first felt in the Muslim world when the Europeans colonized their countries in the early 19lb Century. Thus, prior to the arrival of the Colonialists, all aspects of Muslim life were governed by the Shartah. The Colonialists subsequently imposed their own man-made laws upon the Muslims against their will.

In India, after the capitulation of the Dehli


1857, the British

imperialist power imposed secular education on the masses. The

is Dar al- (Ulam Deoband. There were, however, certain Muslims who felt that it was important for them to master western education and foremost amongst them was Sir Syed ~mad Khan (1898) who was instrumental in establishing the famous Aligarh College based on the British model. On the other hand, Nadwat al- (Ulama' in Lucknow was established in order to bridge the gap between the two extremes. In other words, certain secular subjects, including the teaching of English, were introduced in its curriculum.

In the debate on whether Muslims should acquire western education or not, Shah $alJib, who was the product of Dar al- (Ulam Deoband, differed from the majority view of the (ulama', and exhorted his 33

students to study the English language and other secular sciences. He pointed out that in order to safeguard his literary interest in Arabic and the Persian language, he was reluctant to read and write in Urdu. He even wrote all his letters and notes in these two languages. However, he later on regretted that he did not master the Urdu language for in India it was important for one to master the Urdu language in order to defend and propagate Islam in that country. Thus, he was of the view that if any person had an interest in teaching and propagating Islam

ll .

Anwar al.BarI, op. cit. Vol. I, p. 247.


beyond the geographical boundaries of India, then that person ought to study the English language, modern philosophy and secular research methodology.34 This accounts for his not criticizing any educational institutions which incorporated secular sciences in its curriculum.


Malfu'{.iit Mu~addith-i-Kashmiri, op. cit., p. 95.



Anwar Shah KashmIri (Shah


who hailed from Kashmir and

studied under some renown Muslim scholars at Dar al- (Ulum Deoband turned out to become a reputed and profound scholar of his time. He was noted for his moral uprightness, devotion and piety as well as for his literary contributions and scholarly grasps of Islamic Sciences. He had intense enthusiasm for acquiring knowledge and a passion to disseminate the J:fadfth of the Prophet (s.a.w.s.).



was an exemplary teacher, endowed with a special gift of

communicative power and the capacity to forcefully illustrate his point. It was considered an honour and privilege to be a student of Shah $a~ib and this accounts for students from all over India flocking to Dar


Shah $liJ;ib was recognised as an authority in the field of Jfadfth and

most of his works were in that field. He was equally well qualified in other branches of Islamic Sciences. His literary works have been adequately covered in Chapters Three and Four of this dissertation.

Shah $liJ;ib, besides being engaged in teaching, also devoted some of

his time in the propagation of Islam. He delivered public lectures on Islam in various parts of India and also produced some literary works in defence of Islam. He even took the bold step to take part in the debate on the question of the QadiyanI heresy and wrote on this whole issue with the aim of guiding the Muslim masses in avoiding from falling prey to what was regarded as a British conspiracy to sow dissension among Muslims.

Insofar as his involvement in politics is concerned, he vehemently opposed the British occupation of India and urged Muslims not to cooperate with the British and that they should not remain under the employment of the British. He thus had no hesitation in supporting the Indian National Congress in its call for the independence of India. He felt that there was no need for the Muslims to demand a separate state, but that it was possible for them to continue to reside in India post 160

independence as long as their life, property, religion and religious practices could be safeguarded.

While it is true that Shah saJ:tib was a follower of the J:Ianafi School of Islamic Jurisprudence, he was not afraid to differ from the J:Ianafi position by giving his reasons based on sound legal (jiqhl) arguments. His personal opinions based on his arguments have been discussed in Chapter Five.

Shah saJ:tib dedicated his entire adult life in the service of religion and what is noteworthy is that his services were given full recognition. This is evident from the many eulogies that were delivered after his demise. He left behind an indelible mark on the pages of the history of Muslims in India.


BIBLIOGRAPHY English Sources 1.

Briggs, John. History of the Rise of the Mohamedan Power in India. New Delhi. Oriental Press. 1981.


Desai, Ziyaud-din A. Centres of Islamic Learning in India. Simla. Government Press. 1978.


Doi, Abdur Rahman. Shariah , The Islamic Law. London. Delux Press 1984.


Hasan Qamar. Muslims in India. New Delhi. Northern Book Centre. 1988.


Lajpuri, Abdur Rahim. Fatawa Rahimiyyah. Rander. Maktab Rahimiyyah, n.d. 3 Vols.


Metcalf, Barbara Daly. Islamic Revival In British India: Deoband, 1860 - 1900. Princeton. Princeton University Press. 1982.


Mujib, M. The Indian Muslim. Liverpool. George Allen and Unwin Ltd. 1967.


Nadwi, Syed Abul Hasan Ali .. Sayid Ahmad Shahid - His Life and Mission. Trans. by M.ohiuddin Ahmad. Lucknow. Islamic Research Academy and Publication. 1975. 162


Nadwi, Abul Hasan Ali. Western Civilization, Islam and Muslims. Lucknow. Academy of Islamic Research and

Publication, n.d. 10. Nadwi, Abul Hasan Ali. Muslims in India. Lucknow. Islamic Research and Publication. 1976. 11. Nadvi, Habibul Haq. Islamic Resurgent Movements in the Indo-Pak Subcontinent. Durban. Academia: The Centre for

Islamic, Near and Eastern Planning and Publication. 1987. 12. Qureshi, Ishtiaq Husain. Ulama in Politics. Karachi. Ma'arif Press, n.d. 13. Siddiqi, Muhammad Zubayr. Hadith Literature, Its Origin, Development and Special Features. Oxford. The Alden Press.

1993. 14. The






Hemingway Benton. 1973. 15 th Edition. 30 Vols. 15. Von Denfer, Ahmad.

Urdu Sources


Arshad, 'Abd al-Ral)man.

Bis Bare Musalman.


Maktaba-i-RashIdiyah. 1975.


Bijnuri, Sayyid Ahmad Ri<;la. Anwar ai-Barf. Deoband. National Printing Press. n.d. 8 Vols.







Kashmirf. Karachi, Da'wat-i-Islam, n.d. 4.

Khan, Sayyid Al)mad, Tahdhfb al-Akhlaq. Lahore, Islamic Publication. 1959.





Press, n.d.


QasimI 1:Iabib al-Ral)man,
/fadfth, Deoband. Maktaba-i-Qasimi. n.d. 7.

Qasimi, Mas
Deoband, India,

Idara-i-Hadi, n.d.


Rizvi, Sayyid Mal)biib, Mukammal Tarfkh Dar al-
Deoband. Karachi. Kutub Khana Maktab-i- (11m wa Adab, n.d. 2 Vols. 9.

Tayyib, Qati MuJ)ammad. Tarfkh Dar al- 'Ulum Deoband. Deoband, n.d. 164


MUQammad Shafi<.



al- 'Ulam

Deoband. Karachi. Dar al-Isha
Arabic Sources


Biniiri, MUQammad Yfisuf. NaftJat al- ~nbar. Deoband, India. Bayt al-Hikmat, n.d.


Binfiri, Mul)ammad Yfisuf, Ma

AI-Bukhari, MUQammad Ibn Isma

Chiragh MuQammad. Al-


Ibn Humam, MUQammad Ibn

Kashmiri, Mul)ammad Anwar Shah. Mushkilat al-Qur 'an. Maligaon, India. Ilmi Press. 1974. 165


Kashmiri, MUQammad Anwar Shah. Tal}.iyat al-Islam Fr ljayat

Kashmiri, Mu1)ammad Anwar Shah.

Karachi. H.M. Said Company, n.d. 10. Kashmiri, Mu1:}ammad Anwar Shiih.

AI- T~ri~

Bimii. Tawatar

Fr Nuzal aI-MasrI}.. Karachi. Majlis (Ilmi. 1996. 11. Kashmiri, MuI}.ammad Anwar Shah. Fa$Z al-Kitab Fi Mas'alah Umm al-Kitab. Karachi. MajIis (nmi. 1996. 12. KhandaIwi, MUQammad IOOs. AI-Ta(liq aI-SabrI}.. Lahore. AIMaktabat al-
Matabi ( aI-l:Iijazzi


a Qiam, Burhan aI-Din (Ali Ibn Abi Bakr. AI-Hidayah

SharI}. Bidiiyat al-Mubtadf. Muitan. Mataba-i-$hariqat-iIsiamiyyah., n.d. 2 Vois. 15. AI-Sijistaru, Sulayman Ibn aI-Ash (ath. Sunan Abi Da'ad. Karachi. H.M. Said, n.d., 2 Vois. 16. AI-Tabrizi, WaH aI-Din (Abd Allah. Mishkiit al-Ma$abil}.. Karachi.

A~a1;l aI-Ma~abi <,

n.d .. Bab al-Riba .



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